Republicans and Democrats return this week to elect party leaders and determine caucus rules in an effort to reset the ideological and strategic direction of their caucuses in the House.
Post-election questions about who would be the incoming majority’s Republican Conference chairman and the outgoing Democratic majority’s comfort with Speaker Nancy Pelosi as minority leader have been largely resolved, leaving little uncertainty about the leadership rosters for the two parties.
And yet tensions persist, particularly within the Democratic Caucus, giving lawmakers plenty to sort out.
While Republican leaders must plan for the arrival of at least 84 freshmen whose loyalty may be to tea party activists rather than GOP leaders, Democrats face discord between moderates and liberals following that party’s losses on Nov. 2.
Republicans and Democrats are scheduled to begin their first organizational meetings Nov. 17. During the course of those meetings, which could stretch over days, members will elect leaders, form steering committees — which will later determine committee membership — and adopt party rules.
The rules adopted by the Republican Conference could be particularly important, as they will likely influence the operations of the full House.
Republicans plan to vote on an extension of their earmark moratorium, a move that would carry new significance because the majority controls the flow and content of legislation and could ensure that appropriations bills are free of funding for lawmakers’ special projects.
Still, the big event of the week is the selection of leadership slates. John A. Boehner of Ohio is in line to become the 53rd Speaker.
Current Minority Whip Eric Cantor of Virginia is expected to become majority leader in the new Congress, Kevin McCarthy of California is set to be majority whip and Jeb Hensarling of Texas has an apparently clear path to become the fourth-ranking Republican as conference chairman.
Pelosi, D-Calif., appears to have the votes to become minority leader, although as late as Nov. 12 she was touting a letter of endorsement from 31 female Democratic lawmakers.
Steny H. Hoyer of Maryland is likely to take the No. 2 slot as minority whip. James E. Clyburn of South Carolina is likely to become caucus chairman, while John B. Larson of Connecticut, who currently holds that spot, is expected to be given an informal place in the leadership.
Neither Clyburn nor Larson may be satisfied with where they end up. Clyburn in particular has been outspoken about his desire to remain his party’s whip, despite Hoyer’s apparent edge to win that title.
Even as they plan for next year, lawmakers will have legislative work to do, with floor votes possible on a narrowly focused immigration bill (HR 1751), a telework measure (HR 1722) intended to encourage executive branch employees to work from home, child nutrition legislation (S 3307) and a measure (HR 5987) to provide Social Security recipients with a $250 one-time check in lieu of a cost-of-living adjustment. (See graphic, p. 8)
Republicans Try for Moderate Tone
The first week of the post-election session is likely to be more about setting the tone for the new Congress than about passing bills. And, to some extent, the tone-setting has already begun.
From election night through last week, Boehner and other Republican leaders took pains to portray themselves as pragmatists heading a party that has learned some lessons from the 2006 demise of the last GOP majority.
Boehner has promised to lead with “humility.” In forming a transition team to review House and party rules, Boehner was careful to include four freshmen, including tea party favorites Tim Scott of South Carolina and Adam Kinzinger of Illinois.
Still, the Republicans have not been free of intraparty maneuvering. Michele Bachmann of Minnesota cast herself as the tea party’s representative and launched a bid to chair the conference, challenging Hensarling, who despite having strong conservative credentials is viewed as closer to the Republican establishment.
Amid signs that Hensarling had lined up sufficient votes for the post, Bachmann dropped out of the race and endorsed Hensarling, but not before Hensarling was compelled to defend his credentials.
“I’ve got a record on issues that I think our caucus cares about, our party cares about and the tea party cares about. And I think that I’ve been able to show my independence,” Hensarling said the day before he won Bachmann’s endorsement. As an example of his willingness to buck party leadership, Hensarling pointed to his vote against the 2008 financial rescue plan (PL 110-343).
Feuding Democrats
Democrats, have been relatively open about their internal disagreements. Even before the election, members of the conservative Blue Dog caucus disavowed Pelosi. Those who managed to survive the election have been fuming over Pelosi’s decision to remain the top-ranking Democrat.
Centrist Democrats have debated ways to protest Pelosi’s decision. Heath Shuler of North Carolina said he would challenge Pelosi if no one else did, but he has taken no steps to make good on that pledge.
Democratic disappointment is not limited to the Blue Dogs, although party leaders have been careful to reach out to the conservatives.
Two members of the Progressive caucus, Marcy Kaptur of Ohio and Peter A. DeFazio of Oregon, called for leadership elections to be delayed until after Thanksgiving to allow more time for more reflection. But Pelosi and her leadership team are apparently in agreement that the elections will be held Wednesday, according to a Democratic aide.
Democrats could find it difficult to overcome their differences, said Don Wolfensberger, director of the Congress Project at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, referring to the discord brought about by the election results and Pelosi’s continuing leadership role.
Wolfensberger added, though, that Pelosi could be a good representative of a caucus that will soon include a greater proportion of liberals and only half as many Blue Dogs.
Despite intraparty squabbles, analysts say the most defining characteristic of the incoming House is the ideological purity of the two caucuses and the gulf between them.
James Thurber, director of the Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies at American University, said it will be “very difficult for the two parties to compromise, come together, because there’s nobody in the middle.”
-- Sam Goldfarb, CQ Sta
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