Pages

Tuesday, May 29, 2012


Obama: The ‘kill list’


7
minutes
ago


“U.S.-led coalition troops battling Afghan Taliban insurgents have killed Al Qaeda’s second-in-command in Afghanistan in an air strike in the country’s eastern province of Kunar, the coalition said Tuesday,” the L.A. Times writes.

Meanwhile, the New York Times takes an in-depth look at Obama’s war with al Qaeda. “Mr. Obama is the liberal law professor who campaigned against the Iraq war and torture, and then insisted on approving every new name on an expanding ‘kill list,’ poring over terrorist suspects’ biographies on what one official calls the macabre “baseball cards” of an unconventional war. When a rare opportunity for a drone strike at a top terrorist arises — but his family is with him — it is the president who has reserved to himself the final moral calculation. ‘He is determined that he will make these decisions about how far and wide these operations will go,’ said Thomas E. Donilon, his national security adviser. ‘His view is that he’s responsible for the position of the United States in the world.” He added, “He’s determined to keep the tether pretty short.’”

The L.A. Times: “Most Memorial Day messages from presidents involve the sort of solemn boilerplate remarks that barely break through the barbecue smoke and picnic chatter. On Monday, President Obama took a decidedly different tack: He noted the end of one war, promised the end of another and sought closure and healing for a third.”

“Defense Secretary Leon Panetta on Sunday urged a divided Congress to unite and avoid scheduled budget slashing that would bring total defense cuts to almost $1 trillion in the coming decade,” the Boston Globe writes.

Michelle Obama talks to USA Today’s Susan Page about her new book on the White House vegetable garden, “American Grown: The Story of the White House Kitchen Garden and Gardens  Across America.” Will she ever run for office? "Absolutely not. It will not happen. … No chance at all."

Over the weekend, the first lady and daughters were in Atlantic City, N.J., for a Beyoncé concert.

Southern Baptist leader condemns North Carolina preacher who called for gay concentration camps

Dr. Warren Throckmorton, Grove City College







By now, you may have seen this disgusting display all over the media (e.g., here and here). Charles Worley, “pastor” of the Providence Road Baptist Church in Maiden, N.C., called for a concentration camp for gays and lesbians.
Worley said:
I figured a way out, a way to get rid of all the lesbians and queers but I couldn’t get it past the Congress – build a great big large fence, 50 or a hundred mile long. Put all the lesbians in there, fly over and drop some food. Do the same thing with the queers and the homosexuals. And have that fence electrified so they can’t get out. And you know what? In a few years they will die out. You know why? They can’t reproduce. If a man ever has a young’un, praise God he will be the first.
I asked Bob Stith, National Strategist for Gender Issues at the Southern Baptist Convention, for his reaction and he said Worley’s words were “a vile outburst” and said,
I think it is important to say in the strongest terms how disgusting and unchristian his comments are.
He added that the church is not in the Southern Baptist Convention.
The church website is down, but the Google cache indicates that it is an independent Baptist Church which believes the King James Version of the Bible is inspired. The “KJV only” churches are almost always in the extreme right wing of the church world. This church is a part of something called “The Only Hope” network. The church is also on this list of fundamentalist Baptist churches and this website seems to support Worley.
Visit msnbc.com for breaking news, world news, and news about the economy
Anthea Butler, associate professor of Religious Studies at the University of Pennsylvania, joins The Last Word to discuss the violent rhetoric coming from churches on marriage equality. 

Catawba pastor's anti-gay sermon sets off a firestorm

By Steve Lyttle and Joe DePriest
pastorworley
Screen grab taken from YouTube video of Rev. Charles Worley's May 13 sermon.

MAIDEN -- It started in a small-town church pulpit on Mother’s Day: a preacher calling for gays and lesbians to be placed in a type of concentration camp.
But since a video of the sermon by the Rev. Charles Worley of Providence Road Baptist Church hit the Internet, his words have stirred a social media firestorm and visits to the quiet Catawba County town from CNN.

Worley, 71, suggested building a large fence, 100 or 150 miles long, so lesbians would be put in one area “and the queers and the homosexuals in another, and have that fence electrified so they can’t get out.”

The 300-member church originally placed the video on its website, but it was removed over the weekend. But the video is still posted on YouTube, where it has drawn more than 165,000 views.

On Tuesday, a grass-roots group announced plans for a protest march Sunday near the church, which is outside the city limits of Maiden.

“I was shocked, horrified and hurt,” said organizer Laura Tipton, 24, of Hickory, a student at Appalachian State University.

Worley’s sermon came five days after more than 60 percent of N.C. voters approved a constitutional amendment that defined marriage as a civil union between a man and a woman – outlawing gay marriages.

The May 13 sermon was critical of President Barack Obama’s announcement, days earlier, that he supports same-sex marriage. Worley told his congregation that he couldn’t vote for a “baby-killer and a homosexual lover.”

After using Biblical passages that he said supported his argument, Worley outlined a plan to put gays and lesbians in confinement behind an electrified fence.

“Feed ’em, and you know what?” Worley said. “In a few years, they’ll die. Do you know why? They can’t reproduce.”

Some members of the congregation can be heard saying “Amen” in response to the pastor’s remarks.

Maiden, a rural town of about 3,500 people about 40 miles northwest of Charlotte, landed Apple’s new $1 billion data center in 2009. Authorities recently granted to Apple a permit for a 20-megawatt solar farm in Maiden, and Apple now says it will build a second farm a few miles away.

Maiden Town Attorney Kent Crowe said the town doesn’t discriminate based on race, gender, creed or sexual orientation. Also, he said the town rejects any expression or demonstration of hate against any group or individual.
 
On Tuesday, Joe Heafner, a member of the congregation at Providence Road Baptist, said Worley’s comments were taken out of context.

Worley “takes a strong stand on the Bible and what it says, but he loves people,” Heafner said. “I’ve never seen a man who cared more for his people, cares for all people, whether they were members here or not, he would go beyond what would be expected of him.”

Worley himself could not be reached for comment, but his comments continued to attract attention.

At least one national news crew was in the Maiden area Tuesday. Business owners were reluctant to talk to media representatives, expressing regret about the negative publicity the small community was receiving.

Brent Childers, executive director of Hickory-based Faith in America, a group that aims to end religion-based bigotry against gays, said the media focus shouldn’t be on one church but a problem that’s widespread.

In churches across America, words are being spoken about gays that “may not be as ugly as this pastor (but) they are the same message of rejection and condemnation.”

While Worley’s sermon “doesn’t surprise me,” Childers said what saddened him most was that “more North Carolinians do not see the stigma and hostility that is driving harm toward gay and lesbian individuals.”

Childers said polls indicate younger people have a more sympathetic view of gays and lesbians. Anti-gay rhetoric may “grow coarse” Childers said, “but in the end it will flicker into silence.”
According to Tipton, more than 400 protesters are expected to meet at 9 a.m. Sunday at Maiden Elementary School, and be shuttled about five miles to the church. They will march peacefully, she said, along the street outside the church. Their message will be one of “love and acceptance instead of hate and intolerance,” Tipton said.

She’s already met with Worley, and although “he said he made a bad choice of words, he didn’t apologize. … We would like him to apologize.”

Charlotte church: It’s not us

The controversy over a preacher’s sermon at Providence Road Baptist Church in Maiden is proving to be confusing.

Charlotte’s Providence Baptist Church, at 4921 Randolph Road, said Tuesday that senior pastor Al Cadenhead and other church members have received angry emails, calls and messages from people confusing the two churches.

“… Jesus is our model for living and His presence is our source of strength for life,” the Charlotte church’s statement said. “Jesus preached a Gospel of love. So do we. Jesus preached that we love our neighbor, whether that neighbor is like us or not.”


Gay-rights supporters and others were quick to denounce Worley.

"I am not part of LGBT community. I am an ally, a heterosexual," said Tipton, a social work student at Appalachian State University. "Whether you are straight or gay, people need to stand up against these messages of hate."

An online petition started by Adam Eyster of Los Angeles called for Worley to step down as pastor.

“This is hands down one of the MOST offensive things I have heard in my time of the LGBT rights movement,” Eyster wrote.

Miss. lawmaker denies endorsing killing of gays

Another petition started by Robert Hare of Jacksonville, Fla., urged state and federal prosecutors to charge Worley with “inciting to commit mass murder”:
"Freedom of speech or religion is one thing, but when you are exhorting people to 'help in the effort to find the best way of killing every gay person on the planet' you have clearly taken a giant step across the line."
 And in a post on MadMikesAmerica, blogger Erin Nanasi wrote:
“Pastor Charles Worley is yet another argument for the abolishment of religion. The evil that pervades the minds and hearts of some of the holiest of the holy, the preachers, priests, reverends and pastors will sicken the most hardy among us and the evil that is Charles Worley stains Christians everywhere, but particularly the congregation of the Providence Road Baptist Church, who applaud the venom that spews from the mouth of this monstrous man."



I am saved through the blood of Christ. And I am ashamed to call myself a Christian, pastors think they are above doing no wrong.Christ died on the cross for all humanity, not for certain chosen ones. I have family members who are gay and lesbian, and I love them with Christ's love. I think the right needs to go back and study Christ words a little more. He did give us 'love the Lord your God with all your heart, soul and mind' and 'Love your neighbor as you love yourself' If you spew such vile, nasty, bigoted words, you do not love yourself as God loves you. And Gods love is perfect. SHAME ON YOU. Preachers who preach crack their wrist, punch the gay out. This one with concentration camps. And those who gets involved with politics. I thought as Christians we were not suppose to mix church and state. But it seems there are more congresspersons who throw out wrong passages and swear by them. And I try to call them out on it when I hear it. I do not go to church because to me they don't teach gospel, they do not witness to home bound, most do not preach revelation, and the second coming, or get involved with their community. I miss going to church, but I do not know what to do or how to choose. Any suggestions.

Argentina’s resource-rich province tries to develop gas fields


A worker helps guide a load of artificial sand that is then blasted at high pressure with waters and chemicals into a well, a process called hydraulic fracturing, or fracking, in Anelo, Argentina.
Juan Forero/The Washington Post

 By , Published: May 25

NEUQUEN, Argentina – For wildcatters here, it was a major affirmation when the U.S. government, in a 365-page report issued last year, signaled that Argentina might just have the third-largest shale gas and oil deposits in the world.

Then the Spanish energy giant Repsol, busy drilling wells in this rocky patch in Patagonia, reported that a source rock known as Dead Cow could hold nearly 23 billion barrels of oil and gas. The oil majors, among them ExxonMobil and Royal Dutch Shell, acquired stakes.

“All this has generated big expectations in the oil industry,” said Luis Pedro Stinco, a geologist and vice president for exploration for the Argentine arm of the Chinese company Sinopec. “Those who want to be in Dead Cow are now paying a fortune in acreage for a concession.”

Even so, bringing Dead Cow — so named by prospectors who apparently came upon a dead cow amid gullies and dry rolling hills — to life will be full of geological hurdles and political obstacles.

Energy officials here in Neuquen province who manage the oil and gas industry are scrambling to assure oil companies from Brazil to Canada that their investments will pay off, just weeks after Argentine President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner shook oil markets by abruptly expropriating a Spanish-owned oil company, YPF.

The hostile takeover of a company that had been drilling in a remote corner called Loma La Lata only added to the challenges and uncertainties faced by companies here, which include price controls on gas and oil and burdensome financial regulations.

In a modest office building in this small city that houses the offices of Neuquen’s energy ministry and the local provincial oil company, executives talk about the importance of finding a middle ground between state control of the energy sector and creating a climate in which deep-pocketed private partners provide the gargantuan investments needed to develop Dead Cow.

“Everyone is convinced that the only way to advance is with foreign investments,” said Guillermo Coco, the energy minister of Neuquen province. “What companies ask is, what will be the conditions? What price will I receive for gas and oil? Will I be able to buy currency? Will I be able to take earnings out of the country once I am making money?”

Stringent regulations
 
American and foreign companies such as Petrobras, Chevron, Total and Apache have been discreet about their position on Argentina’s management of the energy sector. But state regulations, particularly governing what companies can charge for the oil and gas they produce, has been a central concern.

ExxonMobil, which has interests in several potentially lucrative junctures in this province, said it is prepared to make the necessary investments to develop its concessions. But the company noted in a statement that “our investment must be supported with fiscal terms and product pricing that provides a return commensurate with the risk we are undertaking.”

Argentina, which is heavily dependent on natural gas to power everything from factories to homes to cars, has some of the world’s most stringent pricing restrictions.

That has meant cheap natural gas prices for consumers. But it led companies, among them YPF, to hold off on exploring new fields. As a result, production has plunged nationwide over the past decade, forcing Argentina to import $10 billion worth of fuel last year, which was secured at market prices and then sold cheap inside the country.

“We are increasingly importing from more places, like Bolivia,” said Daniel Montamat, an energy analyst and former president of YPF. “That is where our energy problem comes from, those imports.”
Ruben Etcheverry, chief executive of Gas and Oil of Neuquen, a provincial energy producer, said he believes that the government’s pricing structure needs to be reviewed. He noted that some companies have been able to negotiate supply deals at prices above those set by the government, a policy that could be revised and expanded to lure more companies.
Etcheverry also said that Argentina, with a history of shifting policies that unnerve investors, needs to ensure that clear rules are established and not changed.

“Companies are accustomed to risk – business, geological, commercial risk,” Etcheverry said. “But what investors and foreign companies worry about is the uncertainty, not the risk. Risk is accepted and is part of doing business – not uncertainty and unforeseen changes.”

Though the provincial government is an ally of President Fernandez, the position taken by officials here is at odds with the nationalistic approach favored by some of the energy officials in the central government in Buenos Aires.

Planning Minister Julio De Vido has suggested the government would not end subsidies that keep natural gas prices low. And Axel Kiciloff, vice minister of economy and an architect of the YPF takeover, has signaled that the government would pay far less for the expropriation of YPF than its former owner, Madrid-based Repsol, is demanding.

Carlos Pagni, a columnist for the Buenos Aires newspaper La Nacion who is critical of Fernandez’s policies, said that the YPF takeover has taken away the leverage the Neuquen provincial government had on running the energy sector.

“Because of their culture there, they understand better than anyone the energy issue,” said Pagni, noting that Neuquen has long been an energy stronghold. “They talk the language they talk in the rest of the world. They are very pragmatic centrists.”

Now, instead of the province directly negotiating with a privately run YPF, it will be the central government controlling nearly all facets of energy policy. And Fernandez’s government, Pagni said, can use its hold over YPF and the control it exercises over the country’s purse-strings to ensure loyalty from provincial officials.
“It’s the worst partner you can have,” Pagni said of the state.

Trying to compete
 
Still, in the aftermath of the April 16 expropriation in which YPF executives were forced from their executive offices in Buenos Aires, Fernandez’s government has shown signs of softening its populist approach.

Earlier this month, the government appointed Miguel Galuccio, a well-respected engineer who had been a high executive at the oil services giant Schlumberger, to head YPF. The company’s shares spiked on the New York Stock Exchange as word filtered out that Galuccio would be named.

“The idea is essentially to create a YPF that is absolutely modern, competitive, with professional people,” the president said at the ceremony where Galuccio was presented to the Argentine public.

Just the logistic hurdles to developing Dead Cow will be a huge challenge for Galuccio, as well as for the oil majors that Argentina hopes will work alongside YPF. Shale oil and gas requires hydraulic fracturing – blasting water, chemical and sand to make “tight” rock formations porous for oil and gas to flow – and that means technical know-how and substantial investments.

Montamat, the former YPF president, estimates that for Argentina to take advantage of the riches under the ground here will require 2,000 wells a year for the foreseeable future, which will cost tens of billions of dollars.

Still, for Coco, the provincial energy minister here, the lure of what’s underground will trump the regulatory obstacles.

“The oil market is special,” he said. “And we have always said, if the world invests in countries at war, as in the Middle East, or Asia or other places, then why wouldn’t they do so in Argentina?”


A crane prepares to lower a load of artificial sand that is then blasted at high pressure with waters and chemicals into a well in Anelo, Argentina.
Juan Forero/The Washington Post
 

Americas are new frontier in oil world


Center of gravity in oil world shifts to Americas
A derrick at work in the middle of the desert in El Chanar in energy-rich Neuquen province, southern Argentina.
Juan Forero/The Washington Post

 By , Published: May 25

LOMA LA LATA, Argentina — In a desertlike stretch of scrub grass and red buttes, oil companies are punching holes in the ground in search of what might be one of the biggest recent discoveries in the Americas: enough gas and oil to make a country known for beef and the tango an important energy player.
The environment is challenging, with resources trapped deep in shale rock. But technological breakthroughs coupled with a feverish quest for the next major find are unlocking the door to oil and natural gas riches here and in several other countries in the Americas not traditionally known as energy producers.
That is quickly changing the dynamics of energy geopolitics in a way that had been unforeseen just a few years ago.
From Canada to Colombia to Brazil, oil and gas production in the Western Hemisphere is booming, with the United States emerging less dependent on supplies from an unstable Middle East. Central to the new energy equation is the United States itself, which has ramped up production and is now churning out 1.7 million more barrels of oil and liquid fuel per day than in 2005.
“There are new players and drivers in the world,” said Ruben Etcheverry, chief executive of Gas and Oil of Neuquen, a state-owned energy firm that is positioning itself to develop oil and gas fields here in Patagonia. “There is a new geopolitical shift, and those countries that never provided oil and gas can now do so. For the United States, there is a glimmer of the possibility of self-sufficiency.”
Oil produced in Persian Gulf countries — notably Saudi Arabia, Iran, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait and Iraq — will remain vital to the world’s energy picture. But what was once a seemingly unalterable truth — that American oil production would steadily fall while the United States remained heavily reliant on Middle Eastern supplies — is being turned on its head.
Since 2006, exports to the United States have fallen from all but one major member of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries, the net decline adding up to nearly 1.8 million barrels a day. Canada, Brazil and Colombia have increased exports to the United States by 700,000 barrels daily in that time and now provide nearly 3.4 million barrels a day.
Six Persian Gulf suppliers provide just 22 percent of all U.S. imports, the nonpartisan U.S. Energy Information Administration said this month. The United States’ neighbors in the Western Hemisphere, meanwhile, provide more than half — a figure that has held steady for years because, as production has fallen in the oil powers of Venezuela and Mexico, it has gone up elsewhere.
Production has risen strikingly fast in places such as the tar sands of Alberta, Canada, and the “tight” rock formations of North Dakota and Texas — basins with resources so hard to refine or reach that they were not considered economically viable until recently. Oil is gushing in once-dangerous regions of Colombia and far off the coast of Brazil, under thick salt beds thousands of feet below the surface.
A host of new discoveries or rosy prospects for large deposits also has energy companies drilling in the Chukchi Sea inside the Arctic Circle, deep in the Amazon, along a potentially huge field off South America’s northeast shoulder, and in the roiling waters around the Falkland Islands.
“A range of big possibilities for oil are opening up,” said Juan Carlos Montiel, as he directed a team from the state-controlled company YPF to drill while a whipping wind brought an autumn chill to the potentially lucrative fields here outside Añelo. “With the exploration that is being carried out, I think we will really increase the production of gas and oil.”
Because oil is a widely traded commodity, analysts say the upsurge in production in the Americas does not mean the United States will be immune to price shocks. If Iran were to close off the Strait of Hormuz, stopping tanker traffic from Middle East suppliers, a price shock wave would be felt worldwide.
But the new dynamics for the United States — an increasingly intertwined energy relationship with Canada and more reliance on Brazil — mean U.S. energy supplies are more assured than before, even if oil from an important Persian Gulf supplier is temporarily halted.

The fracking ‘revolution’
 
Perhaps the biggest development in the worldwide realignment is how the United States went from importing 60 percent of its liquid fuels in 2005 to 45 percent last year. The economic downturn in the United States, improvements in automobile efficiency and an increasing reliance on biofuels all played a role.
But a major driver has been the use of hydraulic fracturing. By blasting water, chemicals and tiny artificial beads at high pressure into tight rock formations to make them porous, workers have increased oil production in North Dakota from a few thousand barrels a day a decade ago to nearly half a million barrels today.
Conservative estimates are that oil and natural gas produced through “fracking,” as the process is better known, could amount to 3 million barrels a day by 2020.
“We have a revolution here,” said Larry Goldstein, director of the Energy Policy Research Foundation in New York. “In 47 years in this business, I’ve never seen anything like this. This is the equivalent of a Category 5 hurricane.”
All of this has happened as exports from Mexico and Venezuela have fallen in recent years, a trend analysts attribute to mismanagement and lack of investment at the state-owned oil industries in those countries. Even so, there is a possibility that new governments in Mexico and Venezuela — Mexico elects a new president July 1, and Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez has cancer — could open the energy industry to the private investment and expertise needed to boost production, analysts say.
“There’s a lot of upside potential in Latin America that will boost the oil supply over the medium term,” said RoseAnne Franco, who analyzes exploration and production prospects in the region for the energy consultant Wood Mackenzie. “So it’s very positive.”

Political elements


Rigs at work amid the scrub grass of Anelo, Argentina, in a region called Vaca Muerta, or Dead Cow, which is now known for its potentially huge deposits of oil.
Juan Forero/The Washington Post


Much of the exploration, though, will not be easy, cheap or, as in Argentina’s case, free of political pitfalls. Price controls on natural gas and import restrictions have made doing business in Argentina hard for energy companies. And last month, President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner’s populist government stunned oil markets by expropriating YPF, the biggest energy company here, from Spain’s Repsol.
But the prize for energy companies is potentially huge. Repsol estimated this year that a cross section of the vast Dead Cow formation here in Neuquen province could hold nearly 23 billion barrels of gas and oil. That followed a U.S. Energy Information Administration report that said Argentina possibly has the third-largest shale gas resources after China and the United States.
“All the top-of-the-line companies are here,” said Guillermo Coco, energy minister of Neuquen province, including ExxonMobil, Chevron and Royal Dutch Shell. Although only about 200 wells have been drilled, Coco said companies here talk of drilling 10,000 or more in the next 15 years.

Wells on the horizon
 
On a recent day here in a dusty spot called Loma La Lata, German Perez oversaw a team of 30 technicians from the Houston-based oil- services giant Schlumberger as they prepared to frack a well.
The operation was huge: Trucks lined up with revving generators. Giant containers brimmed with water. Hoses used for firing chemicals into wells littered the ground. Cranes hoisted huge bags of artificial sand into mixers. Then, 1,200-horsepower pumps blasted water, chemicals and sand nearly 9,000 feet into the earth. “This is a hard rock, so we create countless cracks and fissures, for the gas and oil to flow,” Perez said.
Staring at the stark landscape, broken up here and there by oil rigs, Perez said he thought many companies would one day arrive in search of oil and gas. “The projections are pretty good,” he said. “In our case, we have been here a year and a half and we have tripled the equipment we have. And we think we will double that in another year.”

Alan Simpson Slams Fellow Republicans For Unwillingness To Compromise

 Posted: 05/27/2012 9:29 pm


Former Sen. Alan Simpson (R-Wyo.) lashed out at members of his party on Sunday, slamming them for their unwillingness to compromise on proposed tax increases.
In his characteristically colorful style, Simpson told CNN's Fareed Zakaria that Republicans' rigid opposition to new tax revenues has hampered productivity and diminished the chances of reaching an agreement with Democrats on debt reduction.
"You can’t cut spending your way out of this hole," Simpson, who was appointed as co-chair of President Obama's Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform in 2010, said. "You can’t grow your way out of this hole, and you can’t tax your way out of this hole. So put that in your pipe and smoke it, we tell these people. This is madness."
Simpson continued: "If you want to be a purist, go somewhere on a mountaintop and praise the east or something. But if you want to be in politics, you learn to compromise. And you learn to compromise on the issue without compromising yourself. Show me a guy who won’t compromise and I’ll show you a guy with rock for brains."
The former senator, along with debt commission co-chair Erskine Bowles, developed a plan in 2010 for bringing down the top tax rate and lowering the deficit by repealing a number of tax cuts and credits. The initial plan, commonly known as Simpson-Bowles, was mostly ignored by lawmakers. A bipartisan budget modeled after their report was rejected by the House earlier this year.
During the interview Sunday, he expressed frustration with his party's focus on social issues, as well as the ability of outspoken figures like Americans for Tax Reform head Grover Norquist to drive the conversation.
"I guess I'm known as a RINO now, which means a Republican in name only, because, I guess, of social views, perhaps, or common sense would be another one, which seems to escape members of our party," Simpson said. "For heaven’s sake, you have Grover Norquist wandering the earth in his white robes saying that if you raise taxes one penny, he’ll defeat you. He can’t murder you. He can’t burn your house. The only thing he can do to you, as an elected official, is defeat you for reelection. And if that means more to you than your country when we need patriots to come out in a situation when we’re in extremity, you shouldn’t even be in Congress."


"I've made some plenty smart cracks about people on Social Security who milk it to the last degree. You know 'em too...We've reached a point now where it's like a milk cow with 310 million tits!"
--Simpson on Social Security.


"A lot of blood, sweat and eyeballs have to lay on the floor before we finish."
--Simpson on fixing the budget deficit.


"We're trying to take care of the lesser people in society."
 --Simpson on Social Security.



"We have the ability, and I hope the trust of each other, to adjust and put together a package. And if the American people and the Congress don't like it, then just let them sink."
--Simpson on the budget deficit.



"Over the last 40 years, I have had my size 15 feet in my mouth a time or two. To quote my old friend and colleague, Senator Lloyd Bentsen, when I make a mistake, It's a doozy!"
--Simpson on Social Security.


"We're going to get rid of all earmarks, all waste, fraud and abuse, all foreign aid, Air Force One, all congressional pensions. That's just sparrow belch in the midst of the typhoon. That's about six, eight, ten percent of where we are. So, I'm waiting for the politician to get up and say, there's only one way to do this: you dig into the big four, Medicare, Medicaid, Social Security, and defense. And anybody giving you anything different than that, you want to walk out the door, stick your finger down your throat, and give them the green weenie."
--Simpson on Social Security. 


Monday, May 28, 2012



Memorial Day names

Memorial Day names © Dave Granlund,Politicalcartoons.com,Memorial Day, sacrifice, heros, freedom, valor, killed, honor, military, liberty, duty, patriots, liberty, heroic, justice, courage, police, law enforcement, fire personel, firemen, gallantry

Petro Plutocracy


Posted: 05/08/2012 8:34 am

Last week, the world got a preview of America's new post Citizens United petro plutocracy with the oil lords flexing their political muscles like oil soaked body builders pumped up on a steroid drip of campaign dollars. It was all about fracking. The petro tycoons first orchestrated the forced resignation of U.S. Environmental Protection Agency's (EPA) top frack patch enforcer, then adeptly forced the same cowed agency to stall its release of a damaging scientific study on fracking and finally strong armed the Interior Department to open America's public lands to gas companies without prior disclosure of their frack chemicals.

On Monday, the oil industry showcased its political muscle by forcing the resignation of EPA's popular environmental enforcement chief for the Gulf region, Dr. Al Armendariz. Dr. Al was beloved by environmentalists, civic leaders, and poor and minority communities across five states for his willingness to strictly enforce environmental rules regardless of the lawbreakers' political clout. But Armendariz's courage won him powerful enemies as well. He was steadfastly undeterred by relentless pressure from polluters and their allies including political intrigue, hamstringing budget cuts, and even death threats directed at him and his family. But this week, the world's most powerful cartel -- an international syndicate feared even by the Obama Administration -- finally brought Dr. Armendariz down. Armendariz's mistake was promising to enforce the law against Big Oil in the shale gas fields.

Several weeks ago, a two-year old-videotape surfaced showing Dr. Armendariz addressing a group of frightened and skeptical businessmen, civil leaders and property owners in Dish, Texas, a gas patch town familiar with government's anemic enforcement record against the oil barons. Dish's citizenry were terrified that reckless, dangerous and illegal practices by shale-gas fracking companies might jeopardize their community's property values, water supplies, jobs, local businesses and human health. Dish's Mayor, Calvin Tillman, who attended the meeting, had already moved his home away from the frack fields due to the daily nosebleeds afflicting his children ever since fracking operations commenced. Armenderiz assured Dish's shaken citizens that the EPA would enforce the law strictly in order to quickly bring industry outlaws into line.

This was too much for Congress' "law and order" Republicans who apparently believe that oil companies, and shale fracking in particular, should be above the law. Lead by U.S. Senator, James Inhofe (R-Okla.), Big Petroleum's sock-puppet-in-chief, Congressional Republicans forced Armenderiz's dismissal. (As a private citizen, Dr. Al is no longer entitled to FBI protection and has had to appeal to the Dallas police for protection against continuing assassination threats.) Instead of the deterrence, for which Dr. Al had hoped, the episode sent an altogether different public message; government enforcers can lose their jobs by suggesting that the oil companies ought to obey America's laws. 

The Republicans complained that Armenderiz, by way of reassuring Dish's frightened and skeptical townsfolk, referenced, as a metaphor, the ancient Roman practices of roadside crucifixion and burning villages to deter violators. Attorneys are familiar with such historical touchstones which are routinely invoked by law professors and "tough on crime" prosecutors to illustrate the concept of deterrence. If Armedariz had been speaking about any other crime than pollution from fracking, and any type of alleged criminal other than certain oil frackers, the same republican lawmakers would have applauded his muscular commitment to merciless rigor.

From its inception, hydrofracking has been an outlaw enterprise.
The industry was born in a provision drafted in secret by oilman Dick Cheney's clandestine energy task force specifically exempting it from the Safe Drinking Water Act, a shale fracking method devised and patented by Cheney's former company Halliburton. 
The Vice President's henchmen then rammed the exemption though a supplicant post 9/11 Congress. Rough and tumble competition among fracking companies have turned the frack fields from North Dakota to Pennsylvania into modern Dodge Cities. Regulatory capture has given some of the industry's worst actors de facto immunity from their criminal behavior.

In states like Pennsylvania and West Virginia, the fracking industry has flourished through habitual law breaking, including
  • illegal dumping of horrendous toxins into public sewage treatment plants utterly unequipped to treat those poisons,
  • using substandard casing protocols that regularly contaminate people's groundwater with carcinogenic benzene and explosive methane,  and
  • illegally filling streams to build roads, pipelines and drill pads.

These species of habitual lawbreakers require the protection of crooked politicians and captive agencies to insulate criminal companies from the consequences of their illegal behavior.

Oil companies are experts at using campaign contributions to purchase this class of government cooperation.

In another demonstration of its impressive power, two days after Dr. Al's resignation, the frack industry won another political battle -- forcing cowed Interior Department officials to allow gas companies to frack on our federal public lands without first disclosing the constituents of the lethal fracking fluid, they intend to inject into our purple mountains' majesty and amber waves of grain.

Later that week, AP reporters documented how the frack industry was using its clout to escape, not just the laws of government, but of science.  On Thursday, AP's investigators forced the U.S. EPA to admit that it had withheld -- for nearly a month -- a devastating study showing groundwater contamination linked to fracking from oil and gas wells in Pavillion, Wyoming. At the command of Wyoming's republican Governor Matt Mead -- an indentured servant to the fracking industry -- the EPA delayed issuing the report. Mead then ordered state officials to "take a hard line" on the industry's behalf. A team of tobacco scientists and biostitutes at Wyoming's Department of Environmental Quality next dutifully used the delay to gin up critical questions meant to debunk EPA's science to help soften the blow from the federal study that sent shock waves through the oil and gas industry.

Law-abiding gas patch residents like the citizens of Dish, Texas understand something that Congressional Republicans apparently don't -- environmental crime is real crime with real victims. Pollution doesn't just attack water and wildlife and put fishermen out of work. It harms human health, private property and often takes human life.
Oil pollution damages the brains of little children and kills both young people and adults. Emissions from burning oil and coal kills tens of thousands Americans annually from cancer and respiratory illnesses, and impose half a trillion dollars in health care damage.
Oil and coal's other costs include global warming, acid rain, mercury contamination and ocean acidification.
The carbon cronies have demonstrated an uncanny talent for writing loopholes and exemptions into health, safety and environmental laws to escape the consequences of damaging private property, public health, the shared commons and the welfare of the American people.

When their lobbying and drafting tricks fail to give oil titans full protection, compliant enforcement and regulatory officials dull the sting of noncompliance. It's no wonder that frightened gas field communities seek assurance that government regulators will enforce the anemic laws that still exist to protect them. In the southern gulf states, Armendariz was respected by coastal communities as one of the few public officials who had not been corrupted by Big Oil. In that sense, Armendariz is an American hero in the mold of Eliott Ness, Pat Garrett, Wyatt Earp and Thomas Dewey. 

Unfortunately, most of our political leaders lack Dr. Al's courage and integrity. Instead of protecting America's citizenry from oil industry atrocities, Senator Inhofe and the republicans see their job as protecting oil company brigands from the law and its enforcers.

Inhofe's reasoning is not obscure, the oil and gas industry pumps hundreds of millions of dollars annually into elections and lobbying to purchase friends like Senator Inhofe. Big Oil is now the richest industry in history.  Last year, Exxon contributed $54 million to the political process. The gravities of this lucre are irresistible to politicians of a certain stripe.

Exxon's record quarterly profits of $104 million per day will allow that company to dramatically increase its political investments. More importantly, the Supreme Court's Citizens United case removes all the past restrictions that once deterred Big Oil from employing these enormous profits to completely dominate America's political system. 

As a result of that court ruling, the oil barons will pick the winners and losers in America's upcoming elections at every level -- in secret if they desire.

The industry is already poised to flood America's political landscapes with hundreds of millions of dollars in newly legalized bribery. In addition to their generous contribution to the Tea Party, CATO Institute and other oil industry front groups, and oil tycoons Charles and David Koch, on Feb. 3 pledged an extra $60 million of their private money for direct campaign donations to ensure that their oil friendly candidate wins the presidential election in November.

Chevron, Exxon, the American Petroleum Institute and other oil moguls will match the Koch brothers' largesse many times over. The oil barons must find great comfort in historic data assembled by the Center for Responsive Politics demonstrating that, in 94% of American elections, the candidate with the most money wins. It was the underlying idealism of our successful experiment with self-government that made America an exemplary nation and the template for the world's democracies. If American democracy is to survive, we clearly need to restore integrity and representative democracy to our electoral process and get control of an industry that is using its enormous financial power to enrich itself, destroy the planet and undermine everything we value. Last week's events are merely a foreshadowing of the devolution that is inexorably propelling us toward a corrupt venal and petro kleptocracy.

We're Still at War: A Memorial Day Reminder

While America remembers veterans on Memorial Day, soldiers are still on the front lines overseas.
1_widow.jpg
A day to remember those who have lost their lives in service to the United States, Memorial Day focuses on the past of the US military. With drones fighting covert wars and soldiers still in Afghanistan, it is important to remember that Americans are still on the front lines. In fact, the Afghan war is moving in on year 12 and the military is still "settling down."
Every weekday, since June 2009, Mother Jones has posted photos of the US military on the front lines, in training, or back home. From soldiers to sailors, airmen to Marines, this slideshow is a small collection of images we've posted in 2012. These photos are a reminder, as we celebrate Memorial Day, that a war is still being fought.

Loving the Warrior, Hating the Wars:


Doug Pensinger/Getty Images
Army Green Beret Captain William Lyles III, a veteran of both the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, on September 11 last year

Recently, or perhaps I've just noticed it recently, there has been a change in the way we board airplanes. There has been an addition to the first groups allowed to board. There are still Our Platinum World Traveler Priority Club members, families travelling with small children, and people who need a little extra time in boarding. To these, one group has apparently been added: Active Duty Military Personnel.

At Fenway Park, long about the fourth or fifth inning of every Red Sox home game here, a member of the military in attendance is singled out, stood atop the Boston dugout, thrown across the huge screen in centerfield, and given a rousing ovation as one of the people who is fighting for our freedom. This is almost as raucous a moment as is the annoying recent tradition of singing "Sweet Caroline" in the middle of the eighth. My favorite moment this season came when everybody sang, "So good! So good! So good!" in the immediate aftermath of the Sox having blown an entire nine-run lead to the Yankees.

There are flyovers at every major sporting event. At the Super Bowl, we generally have the flyover, and the Anthem, and God Bless America. Our profane public ceremonies are now suffused with a kind of sacramental militarism.


On MSNBC, the kindly Doctor Maddow is happily agitating for Welcome Home Parades for veterans of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars in our major cities, most notably New York.  Every day these days, apparently, is Memorial Day.

By its public displays, the country is gripped by an immense, endless, and apparently unpayable debt to the men and women who have fought our wars for us, and this is true no matter how popular or unpopular those wars were at the time, or have become recently. The notion of this debt stretches back in time. In his capacity as Official Historian For White People, Tom Hanks agitated for a memorial to World War II veterans because we might "forget" what they'd done as they steadily died off.

An 'Honor Flight' for WWII Vets

The Lone Star Honor Flight took 111 WWII veterans from Houston to Washington to see the war's memorial and thank them for their service

Not long before that, Tom Brokaw, the Man Who Invented World War II, began the cultish Greatest Generation phenomenon, even though, in our history, that generation is sorely taxed for the pole position by the powdered-wig set of the mid-18th Century, and by the generation that came of age in the years 1860-1865. Dozens of other books, Steven Spielberg movies, and HBO miniseries followed in Brokaw's wake. The implicit assumption was that the country that had passed the G.I. Bill had not yet "done enough" to honor the veterans of The Good War, which is why we now have an ungainly marble corral in Washington, a triumphantly Augustan plaza that is unspeakably gaudy next to the quiet majesty of the memorials to the Vietnam and Korean wars. The sins of the country that had abandoned many of the veterans of those two wars — a defeat and a bloody draw — were subconsciously expiated by the garish tribute paid 50 years later to the people who'd fought the last war America actually won. And, then, suddenly, there were two more wars, one of them unpopular and based on lies, and the other one seemingly oblique and endless. And there were The Troops. And, it seemed, for the rest of us, the twain did not meet.

It is marginally inapt to compare the two, but, as regards our cultural veneration of The Troops and our rising (and seemingly impotent) political opposition to the wars they've fought, we seem to have adapted the old right-wing formula of love-the-sinner-hate-the-sin to now read love-the-warrior-hate-the-wars. I think, in part, this is a function of us having gone to an all-volunteer military. Under the old system, despite all the loopholes and exemptions and Daddy's-got-a-pal trickeration involved in the draft, there was more political space in which to maneuver. Now, though, with all our fighting being done by people who (at least in a theoretical sense) willingly signed up to do it, the debt seems to have grown exponentially. Our methods of repayment, though, are curious, to say the least.

We let them get on planes ahead of us, with the elderly and the infirm and the toddlers, but we underfund hospital care and live quite comfortably with the notion that a lot of the functions of the military have been privatized. (Are we that long from Honor The Contractors ceremonies?) We pay tribute to them at ballgames, but send them into battle ill-prepared, and bring them home to decrepit facilities and heedless bureaucracies. We give them parades, but had to be blackjacked into giving them a "new G.I. Bill" that is but a pale shadow of the original one, which did no less than create the modern American middle class. When I first started writing politics, there was an ongoing argument of what were then called "veterans preference" programs, a vestige once again of what was done for the returning World War II vets. The fight was over whether it would be extended to include the veterans then recently returned from Vietnam.

It is Vietnam that hangs thickly over our ostentatious public displays of affection for The Troops. It is a determination to Get It Right This Time. However, there is at the heart of it a fundamental misunderstanding of what we got wrong. The returning Vietnam veteran was treated abominably. But, in fact, if you want to find the people who did the Vietnam generation the most damage, don't look to the hippies. Look to the institutions staffed and run by what the Vietnam guys used to call, contemptuously, "the Class of '45," the people who ran the VA, and the VFW posts, The Greatest Generation, who looked down on them as losers and who stiffed them on their country's obligations.

In actual fact, it was the remnants on the antiwar Left — the people who ran the G.I. coffeehouses and the like — who first took them seriously on issues like post-traumatic stress disorder and the lingering effects of Agent Orange. Those were the people who paid The Troops of that time the most basic tribute there is — taking their human problems seriously. The problem was not people shouting "babykiller" and those mythical expectorations that author Jerry Lembecke put paid to years ago.  
  • The problem was that the government abandoned them. 
  • The problem was that the community of other veterans abandoned them. And that went on for years. 
  • Ronald Reagan famously called their war "a noble cause" and then shut down all the out-patient psychiatric services that the VA finally put in place.  
  • What you did was noble, and now sleep on the sidewalk. 

Then, in the popular culture, the crazed Vietnam vet became a staple of American entertainment until sensitive vet Jon Voight went down on Jane Fonda in Coming Home and, even there, we had Bruce Dern, the living embodiment of Crazy in American motion pictures for four decades now, playing Fonda's rigid, nutball husband.
Now, for the veterans of the two wars of the past decade, we're giving them all kinds of favors and goodies and public applause, and maybe even a parade or two, overcompensating our brains out, but, ultimately, what does all the applause mean at the end of the day? We are apparently fine with two more years of vets coming home from Afghanistan, from a war that 60 percent of us say we oppose. But we support The Troops.
  • Will we become a more skeptical nation the next time a bunch of messianic fantasts concoct a war out of lies? Perhaps, but we support The Troops
  • Will we tax ourselves sufficiently to pay for what it costs to care for the people we send to one endless war and one war based on lies? Well, geez, we'll have to think about that, but we support The Troops. 

On Memorial Day, when I visit the family plots in the old cemetery in Worcester when they've planted my forebears, I always wander over to one of the older sections where lie interred the veterans of the Grand Army Of The Republic, row after row of those round, generic tablets, each of them weathered and indistinguishable now from all the others. Memorial Day, after all, is a product of their war.

Abraham Lincoln presaged it in the peroration of his magnificent Second Inaugural Address:
With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan-to do all which may achieve and cherish a just, and a lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nations.

After Lincoln's murder, the spirit of his remarks took hold in curious ways. On May 1, 1865, freed black slaves gathered to honor the Union prisoners who'd been buried in unmarked graves at the Charleston Race Course in South Carolina. Elsewhere, in the South, what was first known as Decoration Day became essential to the Lost Cause mythology that became so destructive to the descendants of those freedmen who'd honored the Union dead in Charleston. Supporting The Troops always has been a more complicated business than applauding at the ballpark.
--
I'll be back on Tuesday with the usual business, with gobshites for your dining and dancing pleasure, so consider the comments open for business until then. Have a great weekend, y'all, and if you see any vets, shake their hands and vow to be a better citizen first, so you can really help them later on.




10 Questions for Colin Powell

Former Secretary of State Colin Powell talks about the Iraq war, why longer terms in Congress aren't better, and the time he almost ran for president





What is the Taxpayer Protection Pledge?

"It has transformed American politics." -- Jonathan Alter, Newsweek
"Signing it has become de riguer for GOP candidates running for federal or statewide offices across the country." -- The Hill
"Americans for Tax Reform's Taxpayer Protection Pledge has solidified opposition to tax increases in Congress and state legislatures over the years." -- Michael Barone
“The Pledge has become something of a rallying cry in conservative circles." -- National Journal
Politicians often run for office saying they won't raise taxes, but then quickly turn their backs on the taxpayer. The idea of the Pledge is simple enough: Make them put their no-new-taxes rhetoric in writing.
In the Taxpayer Protection Pledge, candidates and incumbents solemnly bind themselves to oppose any and all tax increases. While ATR has the role of promoting and monitoring the Pledge, the Taxpayer Protection Pledge is actually made to a candidate's constituents, who are entitled to know where candidates stand before sending them to the capitol. Since the Pledge is a prerequisite for many voters, it is considered binding as long as an individual holds the office for which he or she signed the Pledge.
Since its rollout with the endorsement of President Reagan in 1986, the pledge has become de rigeur for Republicans seeking office, and is a necessity for Democrats running in Republican districts.
Today the Taxpayer Protection Pledge is offered to every candidate for state office and to all incumbents. More than 1,100 state officeholders, from state representative to governor, have signed the Pledge. Statehouse tax-and-spend interests have to contend with Pledge signers in every state.

List of Pledge Signers in the 112th Congress List of State Signers of the Pledge
List of the 2012 Election Pledge Signers Governor Pledge
U.S House Pledge State Legislator Pledge
U.S. Senate Pledge State Taxpayer Protection Pledge Q & A
Federal Taxpayer Protection Pledge Q & A


Friday, May 25, 2012

Top two crime cartels wreak havoc in effort to intimidate authorities

mexico city — The two most important criminal organizations in Mexico are engaged in all-out war, and the most spectacular battles are being fought for the cameras as the combatants pursue a strategy of intimidation and propaganda by dumping ever greater numbers of headless bodies in public view — some of the victims most likely innocents.

ALEJANDRO ACOSTA/REUTERS Juan Carlos Antonio Mercado, a local leader of the Zetas cartel, was closely guarded this month at police headquarters in Guadalajara, Mexico. Mercado has asserted responsibility for dismembering 18 people.

With the groups no longer limiting themselves to regional skirmishes, the older, established drug-smuggling Sinaloa cartel is now fighting the brash, young paramilitary Zetas crime organization across multiple front lines in Mexico in a desperate battle, according to U.S. and Mexican law enforcement officials and security analysts on both sides of the border.
As the number of total homicides in Mexico has been slowly dropping, the sensational violence spikes higher, creating an atmosphere of instability that makes Mexicans and American visitors fear travel in wide stretches of country that even Mexican military leaders concede are not completely under state control.
The two gangs and their surrogates continue to quietly kill each other, but they are also staging public massacres in order to terrify civilians, cow authorities and taunt outgoing President Felipe Calderon, who has made his U.S.backed confrontation with the cartels a centerpiece of his administration.
“What was once viewed as extreme is now normal. So these gangs must find new extremes. And the only real limit is their imagination, and you do not want to know what is the limit of psychopaths,” said Alejandro Hope, a security analyst with the Mexican Institute for Competitiveness, a nonpartisan think tank.
In the past month alone, in what authorities describe as a gruesome version of text messaging, the two criminal groups and their allies deposited 14 headless bodies in front of the city hall in the border community of Nuevo Laredo and hanged nine people, including four women, from a bridge in the same city.
They have left 18 dismembered bodies in vans near Lake Chapala, an area frequented by tourists and U.S. retirees outside Guadalajara. They used a dump truck to unload 49 more corpses, missing not only heads but also feet and hands, outside Monterrey, Mexico’s main industrial city.
To guarantee the widest possible audience, they posted a video of themselves dumping the bodies, plus a banner: “Gulf cartel, Sinaloa cartel, marines and soldiers, nobody can do anything against us or they will lose . . . ”
It was signed with names of Zeta leaders.


Mexico’s drug war: As Mexico’s drug war rages on, the country remains stricken with a kind of social poverty.

“We’ve had over recent weeks these despicable inhuman acts in different parts of the country that are part of an irrational struggle mainly between two of the existing criminal organizations and their criminal allies,” said Mexico’s interior minister, Alejandro Poire.
Fighting among Mexican crime gangs is nothing new. What is new: the Sinaloa cartel creating alliances with former competitors — the Gulf cartel, the remnants of the Arellano Felix brothers in Tijuana, new elements of Michoacan’s La Familia gang — to beat back the ascendent Zetas and their allies, in what one security analyst compared to a narcoversion of World War III.
‘Psychopathology at work’
Many of the victims have not been identified, and in the case of the 49 decapitated corpses, the heads have not been recovered. It appears likely that the victims were not members of the warring groups but street criminals, addicts, civilians, or migrants passing through on their way to the United States.
“The killings are done to draw a response from the media, from the government, to bring in the military. So these victims, they are not members of the organizations. They are just random guys. All the evidence suggests this,” said Jorge Chabat of the Center for Research and Teaching on Economics, an expert on the drug trade.
“They have never been very careful about who they kill,” Chabat said. “They just kill.”
For the past few months, based on wiretaps, intelligence from informants and arrests, U.S. and Mexican law enforcement agents say they have been watching the Zetas make incursions deep into the Sinaloa cartel’s traditional territories — even in Sierra Madre towns such as Badiraguato and Choix, once thought of as impregnable strongholds for Sinaloa’s leader, Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman, the most-wanted man in Mexico.
The motivation behind the massacres? “These acts show force. They tell the world, the government, their opponents, that ‘I am alive! You have not defeated me. I still am here.’ They show muscle,” said Martin Barron, an expert on security at the National Institute of Criminal Justice.
“Now why have things gone so far? Such brutality? Why cut off the heads, hands and feet? Previously, these organizations settled matters with a bullet in the head. Not anymore,” Barron said. “Now there is a psychopathology at work. Some of these people obviously enjoy this, and they are teaching their surrogates, teenagers, to enjoy it.”
To bolster their defense of regions they control, and to destabilize their opponents, both groups have taken the fight to the other’s territory. Part of this strategy is to “heat up the plaza” — a plaza being a city or town where a criminal group controls corrupt officials and police as well as smuggling routes, a network of safe houses, armories of stashed weapons, and teams dedicated to spying, collecting money and killing.
By heating up a plaza, the warring sides hope to bring in a forceful response by the authorities — sending in the army or marines, who round up local crime cells and put pressure on the dominant group.

April 10, 2012
A forensic worker takes a picture of the scene where the bodies of eight taxi drivers were killed in the Costa Azul neighborhood in Monterrey, Mexico. More than 40,000 people have been killed in rising drug-related violence in Mexico since December 2006, when President Felipe Calderon deployed soldiers and federal police to take on organized crime.

The assassins almost always leave “narcomantas,” neatly printed manifestoes full of expletives and obscure rants that claim authorship for the killing.
Sometimes the manifestoes are accurate; other times they are designed to confuse. In the case of the 49 mutilated bodies left last week outside Monterrey, the Zetas first asserted responsibility, then denied it in other banners hung across the state, then finally claimed the killings, perhaps reluctantly, when Mexican military forces arrested Daniel Elizondo, alias “The Madman,” a leader of the local Zetas cell.
Elizondo told authorities that he had been ordered by the Zeta leadership to dump the bodies in the center of Cadereyta, an industrial town on the outskirts of Monterrey, but that he became frightened and put them on the highway leading outside of town.
Lack of public trials
There is no way to know whether Elizondo’s confession was true or made under duress. Those arrested for massacres are never tried in open court, the records are almost impossible to obtain, and most are never put before a judge but sent to jail and eventually released. Mexico’s prosecution rate for homicides is low.
U.S. law enforcement and Mexican analysts say the outbreak of war is not designed to directly influence the July 1 presidential election.
But front-runner Enrique Peña Nieto of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, which hopes to return to power after 12 years, has stressed that he is more interested in lowering violence than in fighting drug trafficking.

This would put Peña Nieto squarely against the Zetas, who specialize more in carjacking, kidnapping, extortion and smuggling migrants than in smuggling cocaine and marijuana.

Timeline: Mexico's drug war

Five years after it began, the U.S.-backed drug war rages on.

September 2006


At a police roadblock operation in Zacapu, West of the state capital, an officer gives IDs back to two men who were questioned. (The Washington Post)

Drug syndicate leaves severed heads at a disco club

A new drug syndicate calling itself La Familia tosses a bag filled with severed heads onto the dance floor of a disco club in Uruapan, Michoacan state.

December 2006


President Felipe Calderon, center, reviews troops with Minister of Defense Guillermo Galvan, left, and Minister of the Navy Mariano Saynez, right, at Campo Marte in Mexico City on Dec.1, 2006. (Gregory Bull/AP)

Calderon deploys troops

Within days of taking office, Mexico president Felipe Calderon sends 6,500 Mexican troops to battle drug traffickers in Michoacan, his home state, marking a major escalation of the government's campaign against the cartels. Today, 50,000 troops patrol Mexico's streets and highways.

October 2007


Mexico's Secretary of Public Safety Genaro Garcia Luna, center, speaks with U.S. Ambassador to Mexico Carlos Pascual, third right, during the delivery ceremony of three US made helicopters to the Mexican government in Mexico City, on Nov. 24, 2010. (Alxandre Meneghini/AP)

U.S. announced security aid package

Calderon and President George W. Bush announce the Merida Initiative, a $1.6 billion security aid package including Black Hawk helicopters, police training and intelligence sharing for Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean.

December 2008


Relatives weep as an injured man is taken away by paramedics after unknown gunmen opened fire killing at least one person in the northen border city of Ciudad Juarez, Mexico on Nov. 25, 2008. (AP)

Ciudad Juarez sees increase in murder

The border town of Ciudad Juarez ends the year with 1,600 homicides, up from 307 the previous year, as Sinaloa drug cartel boss Joaquin "El Chapo" (Shorty) Guzman invades the city in a bid to muscle aside the long-dominant Juarez cartel. Since 2008, more than 10,000 people have died in Juarez, making the city one of themost murderous places on Earth.

January 2009


Municipal police officer Luis Giovanni Sanchez Bustos, a member of a Special Operations Group, patrols the neighborhood of Mesa de Otay in Tijujuana in the early hours of the morning. (Sarah L. Voisin)

Cartels target TV journalist

Gunmen hurl a grenade at the offices of broadcaster Televisa in Monterrey, as cartels increasingly target journalists in an attempt to manipulate coverage of the violence or silence the media entirely.

December 2009


Photo of drug boss Arturo Beltran Leyva. (File photo)

Mexican drug boss killed in shootout

Aided by U.S. intelligence, Mexican troops kill powerful drug boss Arturo Beltran Leyva in a shootout in Cuernavaca, notching a major victory for the Calderon government. But his cartel fragments into smaller, rival groups, fueling more violence.

January 2010


Unidentified friends and relatives of those killed during an attack on a birthday party mourn during a funeral service in the northern border city of Ciudad Juarez, Mexico on Oct. 24, 2010. (Raymundo Ruiz/AP)

Gunmen attack birthday party

In the Villas de Salvarcar neighborhood of Ciudad Juarez, gunmen attack a birthday party packed with high school students, killing 16 and drawing new attention to the growing death toll of civilians seemingly unconnected to the drug trade.Calderon travels to Juarez to announce an ambitious social spending plan, an acknowledgment that military might alone can't quell the violence.

July 2010


A police officer runs as a firefighter sprays a police truck with water after an attack on police patrol trucks that killed two officers in the border city of Ciudad Juarez, Mexico on July 15, 2010. (AP)

Sophisticated car bomb explodes in Cuidad Juarez

Experts reveal that a car bomb that exploded near the U.S. border in Ciudad Juarez was a sophisticated device never before seen in Mexico, triggered by cellphone after police and medical workers were lured to the scene.

August 2010


Susana Conoz cries next to the coffin of her relative Jose Yovanny Bocel, at an Air Force base in Guatemala City on March 21, 2012. (Rodrigo Abd/AP)

72 migrants murdered at ranch

Gunmen from the Zetas cartel abduct and murder 72 migrants at a ranch near the town of San Fernando, an hour south of the Texas border. The massacre draws new attention to the the horrors facing U.S.-bound migrants, mostly from Central America, who are increasingly preyed upon by criminal gangs as they attempt to cross Mexico.

November 2010


Forensic police investigators carry one of four victims of a shootout at a jewelry store in Monterrey, Mexico. (Monica Rueda/AP)

Monterrey becomes new front in drug war

The business and industrial center of Mexico, Monterrey, becomes new front in Calderon's U.S.-backed drug war, its future clouded by lawlessness. One top executive said, "If Monterrey is lost, all is lost."

January 2011


A guard stands on the watch tower of the Aquiles Serdan city jail on the outskirts of Chihuahua, on January 17, 2011. (Reuters)

Inmates escape Nuevo Laredo prison

More than 150 inmates escape from a state prison in Nuevo Laredo, just across the border from Texas, the largest prison break in Mexican history. The escape exposes the inability of the Mexican prison system to accommodate all the new inmates, as well as the fact that many facilities are controlled by the cartels.

Febuary 2011


U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) Special Agent Jaime Zapata was shot and killed in the line of duty after he was attacked by unknown assailants while driving between Monterrey and Mexico City. (Courtesy of Immigration and Customs Enforcement)

U.S. agent killed in Mexico

ICE Special Agent Jaime Zapata and his partner Victor Avila are attacked by Zeta gunmen while driving along Mexico's Highway 57 in an armored Chevy Suburban with diplomatic license plates. Zapata is killed in the ambush, making him the first U.S.agent to die in the line of duty in Mexico since 1985.

April 2011


Morgue employees take a body, found in a mass grave, from a refrigerated truck into the local morgue in Matamoros, northern Mexico. (Alexandre Meneghini/AP)

Dozens of mass graves found

Mexican investigators pull 193 bodies from dozens of mass graves around the town of San Fernando, in Tamaulipas state, where gangsters from the Zetas drug cartel had been abducting passengers from buses and taking them to remote ranches to be robbed, raped and executed.

May 2011


A police officer escorts suspect Jose Godoy Artola, right, from Guatemala, upon his arrival to an air force base in Guatemala City. (Moises Castillo/AP)

Zeta gunmen massacre 27 in Guatemala

Zeta gunmen massacre 27 people at a jungle ranch in northern Guatemala, as the cartels push deeper into Central America in the competition for new smuggling routes. Governments in the region, following Mexico's lead, send their military forces against the traffickers, backed by growing amounts of U.S. aid.

August 2011


Investigators walk through debris of the charred Casino Royale after a deadly arson assault, in Monterrey, Mexico on Aug. 26, 2011. (Arnulfo Franco/AP)

52 dead after arson attack at casino

An arson attack at the Casino Royale in Monterrey leaves 52 dead in one of the worst mass killings of ordinary Mexicans in the five-year-old campaign against organized crime.

September 2011


Mexican army soldiers patrol near the site where state prosecutors will gather for a convention in the Gulf port city of Veracruz, Mexico on Sept. 21, 2011. (Felix Marquez/AP)

35 bodies dumped in Mexican city

A gang dumps 35 bodies at a busy intersection in the tourist zone in the coastal city of Veracruz. Authorities try to calm the public by saying that most of the dead were criminals who were killed by a warring drug cartel.

January 2012

Police finds severed heads in Torreon

Mexican police in the northern city of Torreon find the severed heads of five people killed in a suspected outbreak of drug gang violence.

March 2012

Policemen ambushed and killed

Gunmen in Teloloapan, Guerrero ambush and kill 12 policemen who were investigating the beheadings of 10 people. At least nine other agents are injured during the incident.

May 2012

Police finds bodies hanging from a bridge, torsos by highway

Police find the bodies of nine people hanging from a bridge in Nuevo Laredo, in Tamaulipas. The same day, police also find the dismembered bodies of 14 people in garbage bags, dumped near the Nuevo Laredo police station. Later in the month, dozens of mutilated bodies are found dumped by a highway near Monterrey.
SOURCE: The Washington Post; BBC News. GRAPHIC: Bill Booth and Anup Kaphle - The Washington Post. Published May 09, 2012.

alance
5/15/2012 10:36 AM EDT
The real timeline goes back to June 17, 1971, when Richard (I'm not a crook) Nixon declared the War on Drugs. Nixon made perfectly clear that he wanted a report which supported his views and 'tough on crime' policies, no matter what the facts might be. This is why he ignored the Shafer Commission's report, calling for the decriminalization of marijuana. Nixon was a menace to humanity.

It was not the five severed heads rolled onto the dance floor of the Sol y Sombra (Sun and Shade) night club in Uruapan, Michoacan in 2006.