Pages

Sunday, November 13, 2011

Who are the 1 percent?



 at 11:13 AM ET, 10/06/2011
This post has been updated.
Occupy Wall Street says their movement represent the “99 percent” of Americans who’ve been left behind, while a tiny minority of wealthy earners pull ahead. So who are the 1 percenters?

(SOURCE: REUTERS )
Taken literally, the top 1 percent of American households had a minimum income of $516,633 in 2010 — a figure that includes wages, government transfers and money from capital gains, dividends and other investment income.
That number is down from peak of $646,195 in 2007, before the economic crisis hit, all adjusted to 2011 dollars, according tocalculations by the Tax Policy Center. By contrast, the bottom 60 percent earned a maximum of $59,154 in 2010, the bottom 40 percent earned a max of $33,870, while the bottom 20 percent earned just $16,961 at maximum. As Annie Lowrey points out, that gap has grown wider over time: “The top 1 percent of households took a bigger share of overall income in 2007 than they did at any time since 1928.” (And in New York City, it’s even more skewed: the top 1 percent have an averageof $3.7 million in income.)
When you look at the disparity in net worth, things look even more skewed. Wealthier Americans have assets — in home equity, stocks and other investments — that generally outstrip their cash income. Average wealth of the top 1 percent was almost $14 million in 2009, according to a 2011 report from the Economic Policy Institute. That’s down from a peak of $19.2 million in 2007.
By contrast, the poorest households were experiencing declines in net worth even before the recession hit. In 2007, the bottom 20 percent of households had an average (negative!) net worth of –$13,800 in 2007, which fell further to –$27,200 in 2009. Altogether, “average wealth of the bottom 80 percent was just $62,900 in 2009 — a dropoff of $40,900 from 2007,” EPI writes. That means the wealthiest 1 percent held an average of 225 times the wealth of the average median household in 2009 — a ratio that was 125 in 1962.
Interestingly, just as Occupy Wall Street is bringing their grievances about this growing gap to a broader public, the Democratic Party is re-adjusting it’s definition of “rich.” As my colleague Lori Montgomeryreports, Senate Democrats have ditched President Obama’s plan to raise taxes on households who have more than $250,000 a year for a proposal to tax those who earn more than $1 million a year. Those who have a household income of $250,000 wouldn’t fall in the top 1 percent. But those who have incomes of more than $1 million would — at least outside New York City.
*Update: This post was updated to clarify that the second and third paragraphs describe income floors — the mininum amount at different percentiles — not average income. The average income of the top 1 percent of US households in 2011 is $1,530,773, while the average income of the bottom 20 percent is $9,187, and the median income is $65,357, according to Jim Nunns, a senior fellow at the Urban Institute.
Check out the Comment, they are quite extraordinary

Charts: 6 Big Economic Myths, Debunked


Charts: 6 Big Economic Myths, Debunked

Do taxes really kill growth? Was the stimulus a joke? No, and we have the numbers to prove it.

Charts: Who Are the 1 Percent?


| Mon Oct. 10, 2011 2:39 PM PDT

Scrooge McDuck graffiti
Occupy Wall Street has focused national attention on the vast majority of Americans who have been left behind by the economic growth of the past few decades. But if OWS is the voice of the 99 percent, who exactly are the 1 percent?
A quick look at the numbers reveals that they aren't all bailed-out Wall Street execs or brokers pulling down fat bonuses. That's just some of them:
Even though the richest 1 percent of Americans don't all work on Wall Street, they do control a disproportionate amount of its wealth, including nearly half of all stocks and mutual funds and more than 60 percent of securities.
But you can't beat this chart for the most dramatic measure of just how wide the gap between the tippy-top and the 99 percent has become. While incomes for the superrich have skyrocketed in the past three decades, most Americans' have flatlined. 
ALSO: Check out our charts on income inequalityoverworked America
SourcesOccupations of top 1 percent: John Bakija, Williams College(PDF)asset ownership: Edward N. Wolff, Bard College (PDF)income growth: The World Top Incomes Database

Thursday, November 10, 2011

Bachmann: No Job, No Food




“Our nation needs to stop doing for people what they can and should do for themselves. Self reliance means, if anyone will not work, neither should he eat.”
I know this is the old self-reliance pitch that people should take care of themselves, but do we really want to see emanciated homeless people in the streets, their corpses piling up in dark alleys? The mentally ill can barely comb their hair, much less hold a job. Bachmann’s vision for America is bleak at best.
While Bachmann is trying to claim that government shouldn’t be giving handouts to people who won’t work, her argument simply sounds mean-spirited. When the unemployment rate is 9%, it isn’t a question of wanting to work or not, it is a question of finding work.
Her argument becomes a case against unemployment compensation, soup kitchens and food banks. I don’t think that is what Bachmann wants.
Her comments don’t square up well with Jesus either. Jesus didn’t force work out of the people — he handed out loaves of bread and fish.
Bachmann might be taking up the platform of comedian-turned-perennial-candidate Pat Paulsen Paulsen, who ran in nearly every presidential election from 1968 until 1996. One of his popular planks was to end poverty by shooting “400 beggars a week.” Bachmann just wants to starve them.


Dems make secret offer to cut deficit by $2 trillion



Democrats generally downbeat, but one describes a GOP offer as 'a breakthrough'


By 
updated 11/10/2011 9:20:01 AM ET

Democrats on Congress' supercommittee secretly presented Republicans with a revised deficit-cutting proposal earlier this week that calls for a blend of $1 trillion in spending cuts and $1 trillion in higher tax revenue over the next decade, officials in both parties said Wednesday night, adding that compromise talks remain alive though troubled.
At the same time it jettisoned a plan to slow the growth in future cost-of-living increases in Social Security benefits, a provision liberal Democrats oppose.The previously undisclosed offer scaled back an earlier Democratic demand for $1.3 trillion in higher taxes, a concession to Republicans.
The one-page proposal was handed to Republicans at a meeting Monday night attended by some but not all members of the supercommittee.
 Video: Super Committee Concerns Grow 
At the same session, GOP lawmakers in attendance advanced a revised proposal of their own that signaled for the first time they would be willing to accept higher revenues as part of a plan to cut deficits over the next decade.
Given the unusual secrecy of the meeting and the committee's Nov. 23 deadline to produce at least $1.2 trillion in savings, it appeared that the pace of activity on the panel was accelerating.
Enormous differences Less clear was whether there was still time to bridge enormous differences on priorities, or whether each side was laying the groundwork for trying to blame the other in case gridlock triumphs.
Evidence of progress has been scarce, with Republicans demanding large cuts in benefit programs such as Social Security and Medicare, while Democrats pressed for additional tax revenue as a condition for agreeing to make deep spending cuts.The committee, comprising six Republicans and six Democrats, has been working for weeks.
Supercommittee talks at impasse
Few details are known of the session Monday night, except that Sen. Pat Toomey, R-Pa., outlined a plan on behalf of the four Republicans in attendance, and Sen. Max Baucus, D-Mont., countered with the revisions in an earlier Democratic proposal.
One official said the meeting lasted several hours.
Story: The supercommittee on deficit reduction
Any progress that may have been made by the panel has largely been overshadowed in the past two days by a Democratic campaign to dismiss the GOP proposal as a prescription for deep tax cuts for the wealthy at the expense of the middle class.
In a sign of the political struggle unfolding, Democrats circulated a four-page analysis that relied not on a review of what Toomey outlined, but on what they described as a different, similarly drawn proposal.
Flexibility amid the rhetoric Republicans countered that for all the rhetoric, both sides had shown flexibility on the issues that long have been at the root of Congress' inability to compromise on sweeping plans to cut deficits.
"Republicans have put revenues on the table. Democrats have put entitlements on the table," said Sen. Lamar Alexander, R-Tenn. "They both need to put more of each on the table."
Alexander said the so-called supercommittee could expect help from a bloc of 45 senators that have signed on to a letter pledging support for a deficit bargain that mixes new revenues with curbs on the growth of government benefits programs.
Democrats sounded far less upbeat.
"I have yet to see a real, credible plan that raises revenue in a significant way to bring us to a fair, balanced proposal," said Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash., the co-chair of the 12-member supercommittee.
In something of a dissent, the No. 2 Senate Democratic leader, Richard Durbin of Illinois, said he considered this week's GOP offer "an honest effort" and "a breakthrough that can lead to an agreement. That's what we need."
Asked why he considered it to be a breakthrough,reporters, "The word 'revenue.' It is a breakthrough."
Durbin said the bipartisan group of 45 senators planned to release a statement later Wednesday urging the supercommittee to keep working toward a target in the $4 trillion range, well above its mandated savings target of $1.2 trillion to $1.5 trillion.
Boehner dismissive In response, a spokesman for House Speaker John Boehner dismissed what Democrats had presented earlier in the week.
"Right now, we are waiting for a response to what the second-ranking Democratic Leader in the Senate called 'a breakthrough' — and we've seen nothing," said Michael Steel.
The revised Democratic plan totaled $2.3 trillion in savings over the next decade — including projected savings in interest costs the government would realize from lower deficits — that is higher than the GOP $1.6 trillion blueprint.
Democrats proposed spending on Medicare would be restrained by $350 billion over a decade, and on Medicaid, by $50 billion.
Another $200 billion would come from defense, and an identical amount from a broad swath of government programs ranging from the parks to transportation.
Democrats also called for an overhaul of the tax code that would result in an individual rate of no higher than 35 percent and a scaling back of itemized deductions.
Republicans, too, favor tax reform. In his presentation, Toomey called for a top rate of 28 percent, which appears to require deeper cutbacks in the existing deductions than Democrats favor in order to yield $250 billion in higher revenue.
Aides in both parties requested anonymity to describe the GOP proposal, and they differed on some of the details.
Broadly speaking, however, the GOP plan would raise new revenues of at least $500 billion, both skimmed off the top as Congress completes an overhaul of the tax code and from proposals such as auctioning broadcast spectrum, raising Medicare premiums and increasing aviation security fees.
The plan also would cut spending by about $700 billion, mixing a less generous cost-of-living adjustment for Social Security beneficiaries with further cuts to agency operating budgets and curbs on the booming growth of Medicare and the Medicaid health care program for the poor and disabled.
Lower interest payments on the national debt would provide the remaining savings.

With no deficit panel deal in sight, the Super Committee is trying to squash concerns that no deal will be reached, with Rep. Jim Himes, (D-CT) and Rep. David Schweikert, (R-AZ).

Former Senator Alan Simpson (R-WY) offers his rather straightforward thoughts on the task faced by the Supercommittee. He warns of the approaching onslaught from lobbyists, and takes on Grover Norquist and the AARP.