Although the Tea Party and Occupy movement share surface similarities, they represent opposite world views.
The Tea Party and 'Occupy' movements are both angry, but for very different reasons [GALLO/GETTY]
I suppose it was inevitable that the burgeoning Occupy Wall Street
movement would be compared with the Tea Party, but the level of
misunderstanding and myth surrounding the latter's "populist" bona fides
is surprising to even the most cynical observer.
There may be surface similarities between the two uprisings, but they
actually represent two opposing populist worldviews, whose only
philosophical resemblance to one another is their belief that they speak
for "the people" against the elites. While both movements are mainly
concerned with economic issues, their beliefs about the causes and
solutions they propose couldn't be more different.
One of the
central myths about the Tea Party is that it came about as a reaction
against the Wall Street bailouts. It's true that there were some
scattered "Tea Parties" around the Ron Paul campaign in 2008, but
virtually everyone agrees that the movement was really galvanised by a
famous
rant from CNBC anchor Rick Santelli from the trading floor of the Chicago commodities exchange.
Only one month into the Obama administration, Santelli called for a
"new Tea Party" to be held on tax day, April 15, and it became an
instant YouTube sensation and rallying cry for the right wing.
He
was mad about bailouts alright, but not the Wall Street bailouts. What
sparked his fury was the proposed plan to help average homeowners in
trouble with their mortgages. Santelli raved: "Do we really want to
subsidise the losers' mortgages? This is America! How many of you people
want to pay for your neighbour's mortgage? President Obama, are you
listening? How about we all stop paying our mortgages! It's a moral
hazard."
"Do we really want to subsidise the losers?"
- Rick Santelli, CNBC anchor
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Here's how his colleague Lawrence Kudlow characterised the outburst:
"Santelli called for a new Tea Party in support of capitalism. He's
right."
Support for capitalism - and antipathy toward government interference
in it - is the very essence of Tea Party populism. There wasn't much
talk about the moral hazard of a "too big to fail" banking system but
there was plenty of fulminating about government interference in "the
market" and righteous anger about the stimulus plan and what they
characterised as the "government takeover" of the healthcare system.
It was never about corporate greed, but was about the usual right
wing resentment at the government spending their tax money on people
they don't think have earned it. These are not billionaire bankers -
they are the people on the lower rungs of the ladder. Unsurprisingly,
this attitude turned out to be useful to corporate interests looking to
allay any real populist impulses among the citizenry, and they soon
moved in through various means to help the "movement" organise itself.
Contrary to various accounts surfacing lately ostensibly to warn the
Occupy Wall Street supporters of the dangers of being similarly
"co-opted" it was a very happy love match, not a marriage of
convenience.
Occupy Wall Street, on the other hand, while being endlessly
harrangued by wags and pundits about its alleged lack of goals and lists
of grievances, is actually focused pretty clearly on the same thing as
the populists of the Gilded Age - those whom Teddy Roosevelt called the
"malefactors of great wealth".
Their rallying cry is "we are the 99 per cent" which represents the
huge number of those of us who have been treading water or losing ground
over the past 30 years, while and the upper one per cent of the
population swallows up more and more of the nation's wealth. This
shocking income inequality is finally reaching a critical mass that is
animating the OWS movement.
Indifference of the rich
This movement wasn't catalysed by a wealthy commentator issuing a
cri de guerre
on a stock market show on TV. There has been a growing anti-corporate
populist critique on the left for nearly 20 years, first in the form of
the anti-globalisation movement and more recently in the more mainstream
response to a series of assaults on workers' rights, notably in
Wisconsin and Ohio.
The arrogant indifference of the very rich to the carnage they left
behind in the wake of their spectacular meltdown in 2008, and the
apparent impotence of democratic institutions to hold them to account,
has finally mobilised the masses.
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'Occupy' protests go global
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There is a sub-text that ties plutocratic venality and greed to the
political process, but the latter is as much a symptom as a cause. Money
has always been influential in politics (and probably always will be),
but the corporate takeover of US politics that culminated in the
Citizens United decision
created a money race that may have led to mutually assured destruction
of both parties. All that money bought an economic downturn that
continues to plague the lives of average Americans, and Occupy Wall
Street is pointing a finger right at the source of the problem. It's
right there in the name.
Historian Michael Kazin, author of
The Populist Persuasion: An American History,
says: "Right-wing populists typically drum up resentment based on
differences of religion and cultural style. Their progressive
counterparts focus on economic grievances. But the common language is
promiscuous - useful to anyone who asserts that virtue resides in
ordinary people and has the skills and platform to bring their would-be
superiors down to earth."
There was a time when left populism was powerful and vibrant, driven
by a workplace-centered labour movement that appealed across many of the
usual political fault lines and resulted in the enactment of the New
Deal, out of the ashes of the Great Depression.
The egalitarian ideas that underpinned that great achievement stood
for many decades as the middle class, buoyed by its success, grew to be
broad and deep. And that, perversely, led to the opening for the
cultural and racial resentment that characterises right wing populism.
Once the left moved to broaden its economic gains to include
traditionally marginalised members of society, the right reacted.
Strongly. It not only blamed those minorities, but held "pointy-headed
liberals" who championed their cause in deep disregard.
After the cultural revolution of the 1960s, this disregard morphed
into outright contempt. And that right wing cultural populism has been
dominant in the US for the past 40 years, providing cover for the rise
of corporatism and the income inequality it buys for the wealthy.
It might be best represented in the person of ex-Governor of Alaska,
Sarah Palin, who responded to the question of whether she was smart
enough to be president by saying: "I believe that I am because I have
common sense, and I have, I believe, the values that are reflective of
so many other American values. And I believe that what Americans are
seeking is not the elitism, the kind of spinelessness, that perhaps is
made up for with some kind of elite Ivy League education ..."
A clueless revolt?
One would think that the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street could at
least find common ground in their mutual indictment of the political
process, however differently they see the cause. But so far, the Tea
Party groups are having none of it. The cultural trip wires that have
animated rightwing cultural resentment for at least the past 40 years
are still powerful motivators - after all, the Rick Santelli rant was
based upon resentment of "losers" who needed help with their mortgages.
In recent days, many of them have issued statements denying any
similarities with the Occupy Wall Street. Judson Phillips, spokesman for
the Tea Party Nation, responded to the claim with this: "The clueless
revolt continues and it is painfully obvious those who are showing up to
'protest' do not have a job. In most cases, it is painfully obvious why
they don't have a job. To paraphrase the Jimmy Buffett song
Margaretville: 'It's your own damn fault'."
Brian Hickey of the Independence Tea Party was somewhat less flippant
but equally unequivocal in his rejection of Occupy Wall Street: "The
idea that Wall Street is the root of all evil is an anathema to us."
I'm not sure that the Occupy movement's populism sees Wall Street as
the root of all evil, but it does see its reckless destructiveness and
craven hoarding of the nation's wealth as the root of our current
national distress. Tea party populism, on the other hand, sees an active
government that seeks to redistribute some of Wall Street's wealth (to
the wrong people) as the problem.
It is very hard to imagine that these movements will find common
cause. They may both believe that "virtue resides in ordinary people"
and that they have the skills and platform to "bring their would-be
superiors down to earth" but their definition of who is ordinary and who
is superior is radically different.
The United States has
always featured these two different sides of the populism coin and it's
tempting to see the two movements arising in virtually the same
political moment as representative of a vast uprising of common people
in common purpose.
But while it is vast, and masses of common people are rising up, they are two separate movements with very different worldviews.
If
one is to take Tea Partiers at their word, they have thrown in with
Wall Street and the Occupiers are their enemy. They are already
organised around opposing them. The Occupy Wall Street movement does not
see the world in such terms. If they are lucky, some of the formerly
hostile salt-of-the-earth working folk who might have opposed them on
cultural grounds in the past have been radicalised by Wall Street's
greed and will join the occupation.
But I wouldn't count on too many of them. This is a political and
cultural fault line that runs deep. But then again, in this polarised
country, all it takes is a few to cross over and make a majority.