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Thursday, April 7, 2011

CBO Confirms: GOP Budget Dismantles Medicare, Dramatically Increases Costs for Seniors



April 6, 2011
By Lauren Bloomberg or Askia Suruma, 202-225-8933
WASHINGTON, DC – Results from a new Congressional Budget Office (CBO) analysis released yesterday confirm that the House Republican budget would dismantle the Medicare program and wreak havoc on the health and retirement security of America’s seniors and future retirees.  The Republican budget destroys Medicare for everyone under age 55, ending Medicare’s historic entitlement to benefits and converting the program into a defined contribution that would offer individuals an under-funded voucher to purchase coverage in a new undefined marketplace where there is no guarantee that insurance companies will even participate. 
 
The end result is a dramatic increase in the financial burden of health costs, with future retirees paying up to nearly three times as much for their health care than they would if current law continued. 
 
According to the non-partisan CBO: “A typical beneficiary would spend more for health care under the proposal than under CBO’s long-term scenarios for several reasons. First, private plans would cost more than traditional Medicare because of the net effect of differences in payment rates for providers, administrative costs, and utilization of health care services...Second, the government’s contribution would grow more slowly than health care costs, leaving more for beneficiaries to pay.” (p.23)
 
 
The Republican budget would…

Destroy Medicare for Future Retirees and Replace it with an Under-Funded Voucher: 
“People who become eligible for Medicare in 2022 and subsequent years would receive a payment that was larger than $8,000 by an amount that reflected the increase in the consumer price index for all urban consumers (CPI-U) and the age of the enrollee.” (p. 8)
 
CPI-U fails to take into account full inflation for medical costs and is well below average per capita growth in Medicare spending.  It is unrealistic to expect the growth in health costs to slow that dramatically or for the need for medical care to change that much, which can only mean major cost shifts to beneficiaries.  After all, this is a deficit-driven exercise, not an effort to reform the program or protect beneficiaries.  The whole point of converting the program to a defined contribution and setting an arbitrarily low growth rate is to save money. It has to be deliberately under-funded or it won’t generate savings.
 
Increase Medicare Beneficiary Costs By Nearly Three-Fold:
“Under the proposal, most beneficiaries who receive premium support payments would pay more for their health care than if they participated in traditional Medicare under either of CBO’s long-term scenarios. CBO estimated that, in 2030, a typical 65-year-old would pay 68 percent of the benchmark under the proposal, compared with 25 percent under the extended-baseline scenario and 30 percent under the alternative fiscal scenario.” (p. 21)
 
This is not “reform,” but simply a massive middle-class cost-shift to individuals and their families.  Thus, under the Republican budget proposal, beneficiaries would be forced to pay more than twice and up to nearly three times the amount than they would pay if current law were extended under two different scenarios (e.g., main difference in health world between “extended baseline” and “alternative fiscal scenario” is whether a Medicare Physician Payment Fix (doc fix) is assumed or not and what the doc fix is).
 
Move Medicare Beneficiaries Into Private Plans that Are Less Efficient and More Costly than Medicare:
“A private health insurance plan covering the standardized benefit would, CBO estimates, be more expensive currently than traditional Medicare. Both administrative costs (including profits) and payment rates to providers are higher for private plans than for Medicare...for a typical 65 year old in 2011, CBO estimate that average spending in traditional Medicare would be [11 percent lower] than the spending that would occur if the same package was purchased from a private insurer” (p. 21)
 
Historically, private plans have increased, not decreased, Medicare spending. 
 
 
Drive Medicare Beneficiaries Out of Medicare by Increasing Beneficiary Costs and Discouraging Participation: 
“Costs to individuals (beyond those covered by the premium support payment) would be higher under the proposal than under traditional Medicare, and some individuals would therefore choose not to purchase insurance.” (p. 12)
 
While CBO has not quantified how many people will opt out, CBO clearly states that the total effect of the Republican budget will be to force some people out of the program.  Depending on who leaves, this could raise the number of uninsured, raise costs for those who remain behind (e.g., if a disproportionate share are healthy and wealthy), etc.
 
Shift Costs to Medicare Beneficiaries and Lead to Rationing of Care By Making it Unaffordable:
“Under the proposal, the gradually increasing number of Medicare beneficiaries participating in the new premium support program would bear a much larger share of their health care costs than they would under the traditional program…That greater burden would require them to reduce their use of health care services, spend less on other goods and services, or save more in advance of retirement than they would under current law. At the same time, the proposal analyzed by CBO would leave in place provisions restraining payments to many providers under the traditional Medicare program.” (p. 19)
 
While the Affordable Care Act included aggressive payment reforms that increased efficiency and quality while protecting and even improving Medicare benefits, many Republicans campaigned aggressively against these policies during the 2010 election. Ironically, the Republican budget now leaves in place all of the Medicare savings from the Affordable Care Act, eliminates a key improvement (filling the donut hole, which is addressed in another quote below), and goes much, much further by ending Medicare’s entitlement and turning it into a defined contribution plan.  With the voucher, CBO says people will need to seek less care, spend less on food/shelter/heating and other services, or save more to pay for the new extra costs.
 
Increase the Rate of Growth in Medicare Beneficiary Costs:
“Moreover, CBO projects that total health care spending for a typical beneficiary covered by the standardized benefit under the proposal would grow faster than such spending for the same beneficiary in traditional Medicare under either of CBO’s long-term scenarios.” (p. 21)
 
Again, relying on private plans to deliver benefits increases the cost of care. So under-funding the voucher and forcing people to more purchase more expensive coverage in the private market results in a double-whammy for an older, sicker population. 
 
Remove Medicaid Protections for Vulnerable Seniors Who are Dually Eligible for Medicare and Medicaid:
“Beginning in 2022, the federal government would establish a medical savings account (MSA) for certain beneficiaries with low income. (An MSA is an account that holds deposits that can be used for medical expenses.) Eligibility for MSA payments would be determined annually by the federal government on the basis of income relative to the federal poverty thresholds. The amount of the contribution in 2022 would be $7,800, and the annual amounts in subsequent years would grow with the CPI-U.” (p. 9)
 
A low-income senior can completely exhaust these funds with one episode of illness.  For instance, a senior suffering a stroke who enters the hospital in January and then requires a skilled nursing stay of less than two months would face cost-sharing exceeding this amount.  Under this scenario, their assistance would run out before the end of February. They would be on their own to cover any additional health costs incurred for the rest of the year.
 
Provide No Funding for a Medicare Physician Payment Fix:
“On the basis of the specifications provided by Chairman Ryan’s staff, CBO’s analysis included no change in the sustainable growth rate (SGR) mechanism for payments to physicians under Medicare.” (p. 7)
 
Republicans assert they want to fix the physician payment formula, but have never offered a solution and repeatedly voted against Democratic reform proposals in the last Congress.  Once again, they have ignored the problem.  Doing so not only raises questions about access in the future, but it jury-rigs the overall deficit and budget numbers by leaving hundreds of billions of dollars out of the equation.
 
Increase the Medicare Eligibility Age:
“Starting in 2022, the age of eligibility for Medicare would increase by two months per year until it reached 67 in 2033.” (p. 7)
 
While CBO states they have not estimated these effects yet, this policy will lead to an increase in the uninsured for people caught in the gap and/or an increase in employer costs as older people need to stay on employer coverage for additional years, as well as other potential adverse financial and health effects.
 
Eliminate Health Reform’s New Medicare Drug Coverage while Embracing Health Reform’s Medicare Savings:
“The proposal would repeal the provisions…that expanded subsidies for the “coverage gap” in Part D….Most of the other changes that PPACA and the Reconciliation Act made to the Medicare program would be retained.” (p. 10)
 
Republicans, including Chairman Ryan, created the Part D prescription drug program in 2003. This program, which was estimated to cost more than $400 billion at the time and is responsible for approximately $7 trillion of the so-called “unfunded mandate” talked about by Republicans, was not paid for. One gimmick employed at that time was to eliminate coverage as needs rose, creating the so-called “donut hole.” The Affordable Care Act filled this hole to guarantee senior citizens comprehensive drug coverage. The Republican budget repeals this critical benefit.
 
A copy of the CBO analysis can be found here: http://www.cbo.gov/ftpdocs/121xx/doc12128/04-05-Ryan_Letter.pdf

4-6-2011 - Pence Remarks at Americans for Prosperity Rally on Capitol Hill


I am not surprised by Mr Pence's comment  'Shut it Down'


Washington, DC—U.S. Congressman Mike Pence delivered the following speech at the Americans for Prosperity rally on Capitol Hill today:
"I'm Mike Pence.  I'm from Indiana. To all Americans for fiscal responsibility and prosperity, welcome back to your nation's capitol.
"With a deficit this year of $1.65 trillion and a national debt of $14 trillion, and a defiant liberal majority in the United States Senate, it's time to pick a fight.  It's time to cut spending, and cut spending now.
"In 2010, you sent a deafening message to both political parties in Washington, D.C. You voted to end the era of borrowing and spending and bailouts and you voted to end the majority of Nancy Pelosi once and for all.
"Since January 3rd House Republicans have gone to work, keeping our promise to the American people.
"We voted to cut our budgets.
"We voted to repeal ObamaCare lock, stock and barrel.
"We voted to cut spending to pre-stimulus, pre-bailout levels, defunding ObamaCare and ending all public funding for Planned Parenthood of America.
"And this week House Republicans unveiled a plan to cut $6.2 trillion in government spending in the next 10 years.
"But House Republicans have run headlong into the liberal establishment here in Washington, D.C.  Harry Reid actually took to the floor of the Senate and said that our modest down payment on fiscal discipline was 'mean-spirited, reckless, and irresponsible,' defending the Cowboy Poetry Institute in Nevada.
"Today on the Senate floor Harry Reid said that the biggest gap in negotiations isn't between Republicans and Democrats. He said it's between Republicans and Republicans. But let me assure you of this: the biggest gap in negotiations today is between liberal Democrats and the American people.
"The American people are demanding that we change the fiscal direction of our national government.
"The truth is Harry Reid and this administration just don't get it. They don't understand that the party's over for liberals in Washington, D.C.
"But let me tell you something I've learned here after 10 years on Capitol Hill: a lot of times things don't change here until they have to.
"It's time to take a stand.  We need to say to liberals, 'This far and no further.'
"To borrow a line from another Harry, we've got to say, 'The debt stops here.'
'And if liberals in the Senate would rather play political games and force a government shutdown instead of accepting a modest down payment on fiscal discipline and reform, I say, 'Shut it down.'
"This battle this week may just be a down payment on restoring fiscal discipline but it's a start. It's a first step.  To win a lasting victory for taxpayers we do need to cut spending now.  We need to win a victory for taxpayers this week in this year's budget. And that will set the stage for a victory on the debt ceiling vote. It will set the stage for a victory on the historic Ryan budget and it will set us on a pathway toward restoring limited Constitutional government for our children and our grandchildren.
"So the fight to cut spending is right here and right now.
"And with this I close: Republicans must show that we're worthy of this moment, that we're equal to this crisis, that we're willing to face this sea of red ink, to stop and turn and square down on behalf of the American people the liberal establishment in Washington, D.C.
"So let's put the political establishment on notice on this historic hill: Your days of dominance in our nation's capital are coming to an end.
"The American people are back in charge, and with their help and with God's help, we will face this fiscal crisis with courage and determination. We will take a small step toward fiscal responsibility and reform and we will cut spending now to preserve this last, best hope on earth for this and future generations.
"Thank you all very much and God bless you."

4-6-2011 - Pence To Vote for One-Week CR: “The Troops Come First”

Yet another one week CR, why do we have a bunch of babies doing the People's business.  Did any of you hear the booing and comments in the House this Morning.  When I can get a video I will add it.......























































Washington, DC— At a meeting of the House Republican Conference, U.S. Congressman Mike Pence announced his intention to support a one-week Continuing Resolution that also would fully fund the Department of Defense for the remainder of the fiscal year:
"While I am frustrated that liberals in the Senate continue to resist our efforts to include even modest cuts in this year's budget, I will support a one-week Continuing Resolution because the troops come first. H.R. 1363 will fully fund the Department of Defense for the rest of this fiscal year and will reduce spending by $12 billion.
"We cannot put fiscal battles ahead of support for those who are fighting America's real battles.
"We will not change the fiscal destiny of this nation without a fight. I am willing to keep fighting for one more week to ensure our men and women in uniform have the resources they need to get the job done and come home safe.
"I urge my colleagues in the Senate to enact the significant budget cuts in this resolution, fund our troops and join with us in changing the fiscal direction of the national government."

Sen. Brown Announces New Bill


to Prevent Members of Congress From Collecting Pensions Until They Reach Social Security Retirement Age

In Wake of New Budget Proposal Which Would Dismantle Medicare and Leave the Door Open for Raising the Social Security Retirement Age, Brown Announces Bill That Would Require Members of Congress to “Walk in the Same Shoes” as Working Americans by Tying Pension Collection to Social Security Retirement Age

April 6, 2011
WASHINGTON, D.C.— Following yesterday’s release of a budget proposal that would dismantle Medicare and leave the door open for raising the retirement age on Social Security to age 69 or higher, U.S. Sen. Sherrod Brown (D-OH) held a news conference call today to outline new legislation he is introducing that would require Members of Congress to “walk in the same shoes” as working Americans.
Brown’s bill, the Shared Retirement Sacrifice Act of 2011, would amend the Federal Employees Retirement System (FERS) and Civil Service Retirement System (CSRS) to directly tie the Social Security retirement age to current and future Members of Congress’ access to their federal retirement benefits. On the call, Brown released a county-by-county estimate showing the number of Ohio senior citizens that receive Social Security benefits.
“Raising the Social Security retirement age might sound fair to politicians who come to work every day in a suit and tie, but it’s a nonstarter for working Ohioans who stand on their feet all day long in a restaurant or on a factory floor,” Brown said. “Social Security is under attack by those who falsely think it adds to the federal deficit. These same politicians want to give extra tax cuts to the wealthiest two percent of Americans and tax breaks for big corporations and Big Oil while dismantling Medicare. It’s time for Washington politicians to make the same sacrifices that they’re proposing for millions of Americans.”
“That’s why I’m introducing legislation that would require Members of Congress to ‘walk in the same shoes’ as working Americans by tying their pension and retirement benefits to the Social Security retirement age. If these politicians want to ask Americans to continue working into their late 60s and early 70s before receiving critical retirement benefits, there’s no reason why they shouldn’t have to make the same sacrifices as well,” Brown continued.
Currently, Members of Congress can begin collecting pensions as early as age 50, while working Americans cannot collect full Social Security benefits until age 66. According to the Congressional Research Service (CRS), retirement with an immediate, full pension is available to Members of Congress covered under FERS at age 62 or older with at least five years of federal service; at age 50 or older with at least 20 years of service; and at any age to Members with at least 25 years of service. For Members covered by CSRS, retirement with an immediate, full pension is available to Members age 60 or older with 10 years of service in Congress, or age 62 with five years of civilian federal service, including service in Congress.
Brown strongly opposes raising the retirement age for Social Security due to the high number of Ohioans who are engaged in physically demanding work—on a shop floor, production line, or farmland. Brown has long been active in efforts to protect Social Security from privatization, and has worked to ensure that seniors can continue to afford necessities like prescription drugs despite the lack of cost-of-living-adjustments (COLA) that Social Security recipients have faced for the past two years.
Brown, along with Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT), has introduced legislation that would require a supermajority (two-thirds) vote in Congress to make any significant changes to Social Security. Brown also strongly pushed for legislationto give a one-time, $250 check to Social Security recipients to help offset the rising cost of prescription drugs and other necessities.
As of 2009, the median retiree Social Security benefit is $14,000. Social Securitylifts more than half a million Ohio seniors out of poverty.

Wednesday, April 6, 2011

Heart Attack Grill - Extreme Pigouts

Now this is just for fun - but you would never catch me eating here

Rivlin: ‘I don’t support the version of Medicare premium support in the Ryan plan’


Posted at 03:20 PM ET, 04/06/2011


“Alice Rivlin and I designed these Medicare and Medicaid reforms,” Paul Ryan said on “Morning Joe” yesterday. “Alice Rivlin was Clinton’s OMB director… she’s a proud Democrat at the Brookings institution. These entitlement reforms are based off of those models that she and I worked on together.” But Rivlin — who is all that Ryan says she is, in addition to a former vice chair of the Federal Reserve — is not supporting the reforms as written in Ryan’s budget. I spoke with her this morning to ask why. A lightly edited transcript of our conversation follows.
Ezra Klein: What struck me when I dug into the details of Ryan’s budget is that he changed the target Ryan-Rivlin had set for Medicare from GDP+1% to the rate of inflation. That seems pretty hard to achieve.
Alive Rivlin: That’s a reason for me saying very strongly that I don’t support the version of Medicare premium support in the Ryan plan. It’s both because the growth rate is much, much too low, and because it doesn’t preserve fee-for-service Medicare as the default option.
EK: It also doesn’t do much to actually make the delivery of health-care cheaper. I think that when people look at health-care reform from a budgetary perspective, they tend to rely on blunt financial tools, like simply giving people less insurance. But that just shifts costs to the people and their families. To make costs slow across the system, you need to make it cheaper to treat sick people.
AR: I entirely agree with that. And there’s a great deal in the Affordable Care Act in terms of research, pilot programs, alternative payment structures, alternative delivery systems, research on the effectiveness of treatments, that is needed. That’s why we need to keep the Affordable Care Act and strengthen the parts that hopefully give us more cost-effective care in the future. If you just control the federal spending without changing the delivery system, you just get cost shifting.
EK: Speaking of the Affordable Care Act, you’ve said before that the theory behind the exchanges in Ryan-Rivlin and the theory behind the exchanges in the Affordable Care Act are identical. That would mean Republicans who believe in Ryan’s model should be more optimistic about the Affordable Care Act. But Ryan has said the two of you simply disagree on how to build the exchanges. Can you explain to me the disagreement you have that would make Ryan-Rivlin different from the ACA?
AR: No. I can’t. I think he’s sort of backed himself into an intellectual corner here.
EK: When you would talk to him, did he seem to recognize that?
AR: Yes.
EK: What I liked about the Rivlin plan as it appeared in the Bipartisan Policy Center’s deficit proposal was that it seemed to go towards a grand compromise in which Medicare, Medicaid and the Affordable Care Act became part of the same system, and we ended up with something more seamless and less fractured. What’s odd to me in Ryan’s budget is that he wants to bring the Affordable Care Act model to Medicare, but take away the Affordable Care Act. In your negotiations on the BPC report, did you sense any interest among the Republicans on a compromise that extended exchanges and private insurance to Medicare and Medicaid?
AR: What seems plausible to me is that Medicare, in many ways, has to be treated separately for at least awhile. With respect to Medicaid, it does seem to me that if we could get the exchanges under the Affordable Care Act up and running successfully, it would be a natural transition to bring the Medicaid population onto the exchanges. Many of those people are already in managed care. Giving them a choice would seem to me to be a good thing.
EK: To move to another aspect of Ryan’s proposal, it tries to bring the budget into balance without using any taxes. When your commission looked into balancing the budget, how did you end up thinking about revenues?
AR: Sen. Domenici’s idea was to start with the spending side because Republicans aren’t going to want to do any tax increases. So we did. We started with discretionary spending and looked at various freezes. Then we moved to the entitlements and worked on Medicare and Medicaid and their rates of growth. And the staff kept adding this stuff up, and we weren’t even close. So then we moved to the tax side and the tax expenditures and we realized there’s a lot of spending through the tax code and you have to take that into consideration.
That’s been a change in Republican thinking, at least some of it: spending does go through the tax code and reducing that isn’t necessarily a tax increase. So then we started working on radical tax reform and we cut a lot of expenditures. The biggest one is the exclusion of employer-paid health benefits from the income tax, and once we did that, we had quite a lot of money over time, and it even helps you on Social Security because it moves benefits from health care and into wages, which are then taxable in both the income tax and Social Security
EK: And what did you end up doing with the Bush tax cuts?
AR: In Domenici-Rivlin, we were operating on a baseline that extended everything but the top brackets.
By Ezra Klein  |  03:20 PM ET, 04/06/2011

Rep. Grijalva: Gabby Giffords ‘Great Candidate’ for Senate ‘If She’s Strong Enough’


April 06, 2011 3:15 PM


ABC News’ Rick Klein reports:
If Rep. Gabrielle Giffords recovers sufficiently to make the Senate run some of her friends and allies are hoping for, it sounds like she’ll have an enthusiastic supporter in a fellow member of the Arizona congressional delegation.
On ABC’s “Top Line” today, Giffords friend Rep. Raul Grijalva, D-Ariz., said Giffords would make a “great candidate” if she’s able to run.
“All indications are she's doing great, feels good,” Grijalva told us. “If she is strong enough -- and I think her family and her physicians will tell her that -- she would be a great candidate, if she's strong enough.”
Grijalva said he hopes to visit and speak with Giffords – as other friends and family members have done recently, as she recovers in a Houston hospital – in the coming weeks. She has yet to resume her duties as a House member, but those around her have been quietly talking up the prospect of her running for the Senate seat being vacated by the retiring Sen. Jon Kyl, R-Ariz., next year.
On another subject, Grijalva – co-chair of the House Progressive Caucus – said he is likely to vote against a budget deal along the lines now being discussed by congressional leaders and the White House, since he believes the cuts will be too deep.
“We've opposed a lot of those in the past and there is a group of us here – Democrats -- that feel that there are other areas ignored both my Democratic leadership, by the White House, and certainly by the Republicans. And we would be hard-pressed to just blindly go along without having some input.”
Grijalva said he still hopes a government shutdown can be avoided, but added that it’s “more difficult to see a light at the end of the tunnel.”
“While I want to say that I’m optimistic, and to some extent I am, we have adults who want to solve this, we also have a lot of juveniles that want to see this thing go into a crisis,” he said.

We've Become a Nation of Takers, Not Makers


If you want to understand better why so many states—from New York to Wisconsin to California—are teetering on the brink of bankruptcy, consider this depressing statistic: Today in America there are nearly twice as many people working for the government (22.5 million) than in all of manufacturing (11.5 million). This is an almost exact reversal of the situation in 1960, when there were 15 million workers in manufacturing and 8.7 million collecting a paycheck from the government.
It gets worse. More Americans work for the government than work in construction, farming, fishing, forestry, manufacturing, mining and utilities combined. We have moved decisively from a nation of makers to a nation of takers. Nearly half of the $2.2 trillion cost of state and local governments is the $1 trillion-a-year tab for pay and benefits of state and local employees. Is it any wonder that so many states and cities cannot pay their bills?
Steve Moore has the details on Rep. Paul Ryan's plan to cut spending.
Every state in America today except for two—Indiana and Wisconsin—has more government workers on the payroll than people manufacturing industrial goods. Consider California, which has the highest budget deficit in the history of the states. The not-so Golden State now has an incredible 2.4 million government employees—twice as many as people at work in manufacturing. New Jersey has just under two-and-a-half as many government employees as manufacturers. Florida's ratio is more than 3 to 1. So is New York's.
Even Michigan, at one time the auto capital of the world, and Pennsylvania, once the steel capital, have more government bureaucrats than people making things. The leaders in government hiring are Wyoming and New Mexico, which have hired more than six government workers for every manufacturing worker.
Now it is certainly true that many states have not typically been home to traditional manufacturing operations. Iowa and Nebraska are farm states, for example. But in those states, there are at least five times more government workers than farmers. West Virginia is the mining capital of the world, yet it has at least three times more government workers than miners. New York is the financial capital of the world—at least for now. That sector employs roughly 670,000 New Yorkers. That's less than half of the state's 1.48 million government employees.
Don't expect a reversal of this trend anytime soon. Surveys of college graduates are finding that more and more of our top minds want to work for the government. Why? Because in recent years only government agencies have been hiring, and because the offer of near lifetime security is highly valued in these times of economic turbulence. When 23-year-olds aren't willing to take career risks, we have a real problem on our hands. Sadly, we could end up with a generation of Americans who want to work at the Department of Motor Vehicles.
The employment trends described here are explained in part by hugely beneficial productivity improvements in such traditional industries as farming, manufacturing, financial services and telecommunications. These produce far more output per worker than in the past. The typical farmer, for example, is today at least three times more productive than in 1950.
ImageZoo/Corbis
Where are the productivity gains in government? Consider a core function of state and local governments: schools. Over the period 1970-2005, school spending per pupil, adjusted for inflation, doubled, while standardized achievement test scores were flat. Over roughly that same time period, public-school employment doubled per student, according to a study by researchers at the University of Washington. That is what economists call negative productivity.
But education is an industry where we measure performance backwards: We gauge school performance not by outputs, but by inputs. If quality falls, we say we didn't pay teachers enough or we need smaller class sizes or newer schools. If education had undergone the same productivity revolution that manufacturing has, we would have half as many educators, smaller school budgets, and higher graduation rates and test scores.
The same is true of almost all other government services. Mass transit spends more and more every year and yet a much smaller share of Americans use trains and buses today than in past decades. One way that private companies spur productivity is by firing underperforming employees and rewarding excellence. In government employment, tenure for teachers and near lifetime employment for other civil servants shields workers from this basic system of reward and punishment. It is a system that breeds mediocrity, which is what we've gotten.
Most reasonable steps to restrain public-sector employment costs are smothered by the unions. Study after study has shown that states and cities could shave 20% to 40% off the cost of many services—fire fighting, public transportation, garbage collection, administrative functions, even prison operations—through competitive contracting to private providers. But unions have blocked many of those efforts. Public employees maintain that they are underpaid relative to equally qualified private-sector workers, yet they are deathly afraid of competitive bidding for government services.
President Obama says we have to retool our economy to "win the future." The only way to do that is to grow the economy that makes things, not the sector that takes things.

The ratio of people working for the government and working in manufacturing today is "an almost exact reversal of the situation in 1960."

The Truth-O-Meter Says:
Moore

The ratio of people working for the government and working in manufacturing today is "an almost exact reversal of the situation in 1960."

Steve Moore on Friday, April 1st, 2011 in a column in the "Wall Street Journal"

Steve Moore says ratio of people working in government, manufacturing is “an almost exact reversal" of pattern in 1960

In an April 1, 2011, op-ed column, Steve Moore -- the senior economics writer for theWall Street Journal editorial page and a longtime conservative activist -- wrote a column titled, "We've Become a Nation of Takers, Not Makers." In it, he bemoaned divergent trendlines for government employment, which he described as increasing, and manufacturing, which he described as decreasing.

"If you want to understand better why so many states — from New York to Wisconsin to California — are teetering on the brink of bankruptcy, consider this depressing statistic: Today in America there are nearly twice as many people working for the government (22.5 million) than in all of manufacturing (11.5 million). This is an almost exact reversal of the situation in 1960, when there were 15 million workers in manufacturing and 8.7 million collecting a paycheck from the government. … We have moved decisively from a nation of makers to a nation of takers."

Several readers asked us to take a look at Moore’s column. We’ll focus on his contention that the ratio of people working for the government and working in manufacturing today is "an almost exact reversal of the situation in 1960."

We turned to the historical employment data collected by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Here’s what we found:

Total government employment, January 1960: 8,307,000
Total government employment, March 2011: 22,166,000

Total manufacturing employment, January 1960: 15,687,000
Total manufacturing employment, March 2011: 11,667,000

To us, all of these numbers appear quite close to what Moore wrote. So he’s right on the numbers. But is he correct that today’s numbers show "an almost exact reversal of the situation in 1960"?

That’s less clear.

We found a somewhat different story if you swap out Moore’s raw employment numbers and instead use the numbers for each of the sector’s share of total U.S. employment. Doing it this way takes into account the increasing size of the American work force over more than 50 years -- it grew from 54.2 million workers in 1960 to 130.7 million workers in 2011. Here are the percentages:

Total government share of U.S. employment, January 1960: 15 percent
Total government share of U.S. employment, March 2011: 17 percent

Total manufacturing share of U.S. employment, January 1960: 29 percent
Total manufacturing share of U.S. employment, March 2011: 9 percent

What this shows is that government’s proportion of the work force has increased -- but by a relatively modest rate. Meanwhile, manufacturing -- for countless reasons, ranging from the expansion of free trade to educational attainment patterns to the emergence of new sectors such as information technology -- has fallen off a cliff during the past 50 years.

To us, the comparison of jobs in government and manufacturing looks less like "an almost exact reversal," as Moore puts it, than two largely unrelated changes.

We’ll add a final point of context. Several other employment sectors grew at faster rates over the 50-year period than government did. The leisure and hospitality sector, for instance, grew from 6.3 percent of the workforce in 1960 to 10 percent in 2011, and professional business services roughly doubled, from 6.8 percent in 1960 to 13.1 percent in 2011. So, other types of private-sector employment -- jobs that don’t "make" anything -- took up some of the slack from manufacturing’s decline.

So where does this leave us? Moore’s raw employment numbers for manufacturing and government are accurate, but adding context about the size of the labor force as a whole weakens the notion that the trendlines are an "exact reversal." On balance, we rate the statement Half True.

Meet the Press: Santorum on 2012 field not coming together

Split over union law reaches Wis. court race





Dan VrakasAP – Justice David Prosser, speaks to supporters at the Seven Seas Restaurant Tuesday April 5, 2011 in Waukesha …
MADISON, Wis. – A Wisconsin Supreme Court election that turned into a referendum on Republican Gov. Scott Walker's polarizing proposal restricting union rights remained too close to call Wednesday as a little known prosecutor tapped into voter unrest to mount a serious challenge to the incumbent tied to Walker.
Unofficial results showed challenger JoAnne Kloppenburg ahead by a scant 311 votes over incumbent Justice David Prosser, a former Republican speaker of the Assembly who served with Walker. The results were based on 99 percent of precincts reporting, with just five precincts outstanding.
A recount was nearly certain. Kloppenburg's lead was 0.02 percent of the total votes cast.
Turnout shattered predictions. State officials had expected 20 percent in line with past elections, but Democrats' efforts to make the election more about Walker and the union fight than the officially nonpartisan Supreme Court race helped push it to 33 percent.
In another race that became largely about Walker and his policies, Democrat Chris Abele defeated Republican state Rep. Jeff Stone to become Milwaukee County executive, the seat Walker held until he was elected governor in November.
Stone voted twice for Walker's bill taking away nearly all of most state workers' collective bargaining rights from, which put him on the defensive in the race. Abele won with 61 percent of the vote compared with 39 percent for Stone, based on unofficial results.
Kloppenburg's supporters, including liberal outside interests that helped make the race the most expensive Supreme Court contest in Wisconsin history, worked to make the election about Walker's anti-union law which is widely expected to be decided by the Supreme Court. It remains in limbo pending legal challenges.
The race appeared headed toward a recount, which couldn't be requested until after the state receives the last county's officially canvassed votes. The county reports are due by April 15 and the deadline to seek a recount would be April 20, although the request could be made sooner.
Kloppenburg, an assistant state attorney general, began her campaign with almost no name recognition and faced long odds against Prosser. The 12-year Supreme Court veteran emerged from a nonpartisan February primary with 55 percent of the vote, while Kloppenburg finished second out of four candidates with just 28 percent.
But opponents of the collective bargaining law redefined the Supreme Court race as a referendum on Walker and all Republicans, working to leverage the anger over the measure against Prosser. They branded him a Walker clone and held Kloppenburg up as the best hope for stopping the measure.
Prosser's campaign didn't immediately return a message early Wednesday. However, the Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel reported that he told supporters at his election-night party that there was "little doubt" there would be a recount.
When the numbers showed her behind, Kloppenburg told supporters she hadn't given up.
"We're still hopeful," Kloppenburg said. "So thank you all and let's all get a good night's sleep and see what tomorrow brings."
Walker has insisted the new law is necessary to help balance the state's budget, but Democrats see it as a direct assault on unions, a key campaign supporter for the party.
Tens of thousands of people spent weeks protesting the measure at Wisconsin's Capitol and Democrats in the Senate even fled the state to try to block a vote in that chamber. Walker eventually signed the bill anyway, but the measure is on hold as legal challenges wend their way through the courts. Sixteen state senators — eight Republicans and eight Democrats — face recall efforts over the proposal.
The measure's opponents ultimately hope a Kloppenburg upset would tilt the Supreme Court's ideological balance to the left and set the stage for the court to strike the law down. A legal challenge already is before the court, although the justices have not decided whether to consider it. They also want to show the Republican senators facing recalls that they're next to go.
Prosser pushed back, disavowing his GOP connections. He accused pro-labor groups of hijacking the race and argued Kloppenburg was so closely tied to them she couldn't ethically rule on the law.
Interest in what could have been an otherwise sleepy race skyrocketed.
According to the Brennan Center for Justice, a New York University program that tracks spending on judicial races, outside groups, including the Tea Party Express and national labor organizations, had poured a record $3.5 million into race through Monday.
Deborah MacFarland, 67, and her husband, Robert, 69, of Bayside, said the issue helped persuade them to vote for Kloppenburg.
"I can't stand Walker. I can't stand conservative Republicans. ... I have had enough of it," Deborah MacFarland said.
But Kelly Bodoh, 37, a self-described Libertarian from Sun Prairie, picked Prosser, saying she was upset that Democratic senators fled the state.
"The way the past couple of months have gone down in Madison made me very distrustful of that faction," she said. "Emotions and disrespect ruled the response to the ... bill."
Walker has said he wouldn't interpret the election results as either an endorsement or indictment of his policies.
Wisconsin law does not provide for automatic recounts. Instead, candidates have three days after official results are tallied to request one. They must provide a specific reason for such an effort to state election officials, such as a mistake in counting or some other irregularity.
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Associated Press writer Dinesh Ramde in Milwaukee contributed to this report.
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Online:
Prosser's campaign: http://www.justiceprosser.com
Kloppenburg's campaign: http://www.kloppenburgforjustice.com