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Tuesday, April 5, 2011

Democrats view of the Republican 2012 Budget


Rahall Statement on Republican FY 2012 Budget Blueprint

APR 5, 2011
Washington, D.C.– U.S. Representative Nick J. Rahall (D-WV), top Democrat on the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee, today released the following statement after House Republicans released their budget blueprint for Fiscal Year 2012, which proposes to cut $318 billion in federal transportation investments from current levels over the next decade, including cuts of more than $150 billion of contract authority for highway, highway safety, transit, and airport construction investments.  Compared with the President’s budget, the Republican budget would cut $633 billion from transportation investments:
“I stand side-by-side with my Republican colleagues who believe it is of the utmost importance that Congress continues to take aggressive steps to reduce the federal deficit so that our children and grandchildren aren’t paralyzed by our Nation’s crippling debt.  Washington must learn how to live within its means, take responsibility for our deficits, and put us on a path to pay for what we spend.
“Instead of making targeted cuts to root out waste and increase efficiency, however, Republicans are acting like Civil War surgeons by hacking off limbs instead of diagnosing the disease.
“The extreme and dangerous cuts to transportation investments that make America a better place to do business could threaten our Nation’s economic competitiveness and will destroy American jobs.  The old, tired, and stale slash and burn approach to transportation investments in the Republican budget blueprint would drive our economy off the road to recovery and back into the ditch.  Instead of a superhighway into the future, the Republican “Path to Prosperity” will only lead us backwards down a bumpy dirt road into the past.
“We can boost competitiveness and trim the budget, but both will require concerted thought, backbone, and a willingness to compromise and reach a consensus.  The Republican underinvestment strategy might appeal to the far right of the Republican Party, but it is not the right choice for America’s middle class and our future.”

17 Democratic Governors Launch Preemptive Strike Against Paul Ryan's Medicaid Proposal

Paul Ryan
First Posted: 04/ 4/11 05:49 PM ET Updated: 04/ 4/11 05:49 PM ET

WASHINGTON -- Seventeen Democratic governors have signed and sent a letter to congressional leaders stating their firm opposition to a Medicaid reform proposal championed by House Republicans.
The letter, sent on Monday, is a preemptive strike of sorts against House Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan (R-Wis.) before he unveils a 2012 budget proposal that is expected to endorse turning Medicaid into a block grant program.
“We strongly oppose a congressionally-mandated block grant of federal Medicaid spending, which would shift costs and risk to states,” the governors wrote. “Such a cost shift would severely undercut our ability to provide health care to our residents and adequately pay providers.”
Added the signatories: “We are concerned that Congress, in an attempt to reduce the federal deficit, may pursue the exact opposite course of action by creating a mandated block grant which would do little to address cost growth while shifting costs to states and threatening program integrity.”
A shift from current policy to a block grant system would drastically alter the way that state governments administer Medicaid. Under current law, the federal government matches a percentage of the money that states spend on Medicaid. That percentage was upped by the 2009 stimulus legislation in response to the heavy debt burdens facing states.
A block grant program would essentially cap the amount of federal Medicaid money to states, so that in lean times states might have to make drastic cuts -- or hike taxes -- rather then lean on Washington, D.C. While Ryan and others have argued that taxpayers stand to save a good deal of money from such a move, the governors' letter argued that the end result would be 50 far more difficult balancing acts.
“in the face of state and federal budget pressures and rising health care costs, we need federal policy that creates cost savings, not cost shifting,” the governors wrote. “States are already innovating within Medicaid, and the current financing system provides ample room to manage our Medicaid programs to provide increasingly efficient quality care.”


All 17 signatories are Democrats, though notably absent from the list is New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo.
The Hill initially reported the letter's existence, but The Huffington Post obtained the letter exclusively from a Democratic source.


MedicaidLetter -

GOP Budget Abandons American Priorities and Values


Today, House Republicans are releasing their budget for fiscal year 2012. Budgets are about priorities and values, and the Republican budget makes all the wrong choices. Democrats believe we must reduce spending, while protecting investments that create jobs, grow the economy and strengthen American competitiveness. Just like the Republican Spending Bill, the Republican budget rejects America’s top priorities and fundamental values by cutting investments that allow us to out-innovate, out-educate, and out-build our competitors.
The Republican budget makes the wrong choices on entitlements, too. Democrats are committed to reducing the deficit and ensuring Medicare and Medicaid are strong for generations to come. Instead of bending the cost curve on health care spending, the Republican budget shifts costs to seniors by ending Medicare as we know it and dismantling Medicaid:
“Republicans say the health care proposals would help the federal government predict and control its costs under Medicaid and Medicare, which insure more than 100 million people and account for more than one-fifth of the federal budget. But if, as many economists predict, health costs continue to rise at a rapid clip, beneficiaries of these programs would be at risk for more of the costs.” [NY Times, 4/5/11]
“Federal health programs for seniors, the poor and people with disabilities would be slashed and transformed under a 2012 budget being unveiled today by House Republicans.” [USA Today,4/5/11]
“With the federal deficit in their sights, Republicans are preparing a budget proposal that would reportedly trim $4 trillion in government spending over the next decade. How do they do it? Ending Medicare as we know it is a key part.” [NPR, 4/4/11]
“The plan would essentially end Medicare, which now pays most of the health-care bills for 48 million elderly and disabled Americans, as a program that directly pays those bills.” [WSJ, 4/4/11]
“This week, Rep. Paul Ryan (R-Wis.) will announce the House Republicans’ budget plan, which is expected to include cuts in many programs for the neediest Americans. The Ryan budget’s central purpose will not be deficit reduction but the gradual dismantling of key parts of government.” [E.J. Dionne, Washington Post, 4/3/11]
“Paul Ryan’s plan for Medicare and Paul Ryan’s plan for Medicaid rely on the same bait-and-switch: They use a reform to disguise a cut... In Medicare’s case, the reform is privatization…. In Medicaid’s case, the reform is block-granting… To my knowledge, Ryan’s budget doesn’t attempt to reform the medical-care sector. It just has cuts. The hope is that those cuts will force consumers to be smarter shoppers and doctors to be more economical and states to be more innovative. But all that’s been tried, and it hasn’t been enough.” [Ezra Klein, Washington Post,4/4/11]
When asked which programs they were willing to see cut by Congress, 91% of Americans said they wanted to see no or only minor reductions in Medicare and 86% wanted to see no or only minor reductions in Medicaid, according to a recent poll by the Kaiser Family Foundation.
The Republican budget clearly doesn’t share the priorities of the American people.

Statement by the President on Cote d’Ivoire


The White House
Office of the Press Secretary


I remain deeply concerned by the security situation in Cote d’Ivoire. I strongly support the role that United Nations peacekeepers are playing as they enforce their mandate to protect civilians, and I welcome the efforts of French forces who are supporting that mission. Tragically, the violence that we are seeing could have been averted had Laurent Gbagbo respected the results of last year’s presidential election. To end this violence and prevent more bloodshed, former President Gbagbo must stand down immediately, and direct those who are fighting on his behalf to lay down their arms. Every day that the fighting persists will bring more suffering, and further delay the future of peace and prosperity that the people of Cote d’Ivoire deserve.
The people of Cote d’Ivoire have suffered too much throughout this period of unrest. The United States joins with the international community in our deep concern about reports of massacres in the western region of the country, and the dangers faced by innocent civilians – particularly the most vulnerable. All parties must show restraint and respect the rights of the Ivoirian people, and I welcome President Alassane Ouattara’s pledge to ensure accountability for those who have carried out attacks against civilians. Meanwhile, the United States will continue to support a future in which Laurent Gbagbo stands down, and President Ouattara and the government of Cote d’Ivoire can move beyond this current crisis and serve all of the Ivoirian people.

Good Plan!


Republican Paul Ryan's budget proposal is brave, radical, and smart.

U.S. Rep. Paul Ryan holds a copy of the 2012 Republican budget proposal. Click image to expand.For the past 30 years, Republicans have been hypocrites about spending. They've raged against big government without ever proposing the kinds of cuts necessary to bring federal expenditures in line with tax revenues. Democrats have been more fiscally responsible, producing an actual budget surplus during Bill Clinton's second term. But they've been little better than Republicans when it comes to confronting the nation's long-term fiscal imbalance, which is driven by the projected growth in entitlement spending.


And before they reject everything in Ryan's plan, liberals might want to consider whether some of what he proposes doesn't in fact serve their own ultimate goals. Ryan's proposal to turn Medicare into a voucher provides an easy political target. But it's hard to make a principled liberal case for the program in its current form. To do so, you have to argue that government-paid health care should be a right only for people over the age of 65, and for no one else. Medicare covers doctor and hospital bills at 100 percent, regardless of income. This gives doctors and patients an incentive to maximize their use of the system and waste public resources. Choosing to pay 100 percent of Warren Buffett's medical bills while cutting Head Start reflects a strange set of social priorities, to say the least.
Ryan's alternative to Medicare hardly seems as terrible as Paul Krugman makes out. Seniors would enter the health care world the rest of us live in, with co-payments, deductibles and managed care. Eventually, cost control would require some tough decisions about end-of-life care and the rationing of high-tech treatments that have limited efficacy. But starting with a value of $15,000 per year, per senior—the amount government now spends on Medicare—Ryan's vouchers should provide excellent coverage. His change would amount to a minor amendment to the social contract, not a fundamental revision of it.
Effectively constraining the growth of Medicare could make it possible for Democrats to do a lot else that's important to them in the future. In 2010, Medicare spending was $519 billion, as compared with $666 billion for all non-defense domestic discretionary spending. Growing at more than 7 percent a year, Medicare is projected to eventually consume nearly all federal tax revenues. It is crowding out everything else that Washington does or might want to do. Conversely, cutting Medicare's growth rate to near the overall rate of the economy would do more than anything else to enable the kind of activist government liberals support—investment in kids, education, jobs, and infrastructure. Ryan's goal isn't to empower the federal government. But if your goal is a more interventionist public sector, you might find yourself on Ryan's side of the Medicare debate.
Of the alternatives we face in controlling long-term spending growth, moving Medicare to a voucher system seems only mildly unfortunate—and nothing as compared with a debt-driven economic crisis that could stem from inaction. As Ryan rightly points out, this kind of crisis could come at any time and could cast a pall over the country's entire future. Keeping Medicare as a fee-for-service program simply isn't worth that risk. If anything, liberals should go further than Ryan did in this plan, adding a means-test that would diminish Medicare subsidies for upper-income beneficiaries.
There are, of course, some sleight-of-hand tricks in Ryan's plan. What he claims would restore fiscal balance would do nothing of the kind over the next decade, leaving $400 billion in annual deficits as far as the eye can see. That's because he slips a large tax cut into his "reform," leaving government revenues perpetually two percentage points lower than spending expenditures as a share of GDP. What's needed is not more tax cuts but a modest tax increase, of the kind the Simpson-Bowles fiscal commission proposed. That failure is easily remedied, however, by adopting a top rate higher than the 25 percent he proposes, though still lower than the current 35 percent level.
Ryan also evades a lot of difficult particulars. He seldom spells out domestic spending cuts, preferring to kick the can down the road by applying "caps." He skirts the question of which deductions and tax subsidies he'd eliminate to pay for these lower rates. Unfortunately, you don't get big savings unless you eliminate mortgage interest and charitable deductions, which would be politically unpopular. Ryan includes the Heritage Foundation's projections about job growth triggered by his plan—4 percent unemployment in 2015 vs. 5.9 percent without the plan—that are a supply-side fantasy. His anti-bailout rhetoric is silly pandering. I could go on.
But more than anyone else in politics, Rep. Ryan has made a serious attempt to grapple with the long-term fiscal issue the country faces. He has a largely coherent, workable set of answers. If you don't like them, now you need to come up with something better.

Cornyn to introduce resolution on Libyan regime change

Posted By Josh Rogin     

Sen. John Cornyn (R-TX) will soon become the first senator to introduce a non-binding resolution expressing the sense of the Senate on the war in Libya, and it calls for regime change to be the explicit policy of the United States.
Cornyn could introduce his resolution as early as today. The resolution, which was obtained by The Cable (PDF), states, "the policy of the United States should be to remove Muammar al-Qaddafifrom power and to use military force, if necessary, to achieve that goal."
The resolution also calls on President Barack Obama to submit a plan to achieve Qaddafi's ouster, and to seek congressional authorization for the military intervention in Libya.
Cornyn's stance on Libya is contrary to Obama's policy in two ways: It explicitly calls for using U.S. force to oust Qaddafi and at the same time insists that Congress must approve any military action, even retroactively.
The resolution quotes Obama and other administration officials repeatedly insisting that the long-term policy is that Qaddafi should "step down." It then demands that Obama spell out exactly how that goal will be achieved and what U.S. objectives are in a post-Qaddafi Libya.
Cornyn's draft resolution also rejects the administration's assertion that a March 1 resolutioncalling for a no-fly zone in Libya, which passed by voice vote in the Senate, sufficed as "congressional authorization" for the extensive military operations the United States has engaged in to enforce U.N. Security Council Resolution 1973.
Cornyn's resolution has little chance of being passed by the Senate; it is not likely to be supported by either Democratic leadership or many Senate Republicans, who would prefer a resolution that endorses the Obama administration's limited action in Libya.
Sens. John Kerry (D-MA), John McCain (R-AZ), and Joe Lieberman (I-CT) are working on a draft of what they hope will be a consensus-winning resolution. McCain said that he wants to make sure the resolution is made up of "language that can receive an overwhelming vote in the Senate. It would not be a good signal, otherwise."
Senate Armed Services Committee chairman Carl Levin (D-MI), one of Obama's staunchest defenders on Libya, is also said to be working on a separate resolution.
But other Republican senators are complicating the issue by insisting their views on the Libyan intervention get an airing. Like Cornyn, Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL) also wants the Senate to officially endorse regime change, a step Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) adamantly opposes.
Reid's office told the Washington Post that Rubio's "rash suggestions could commit our troops irrevocably to a regime change and nation-building effort that could take months or years and cost billions of taxpayer dollars."
Meanwhile, Sen. Rand Paul (R-KY), who is against the Libya war, angered Reid and halted work last week on a small business bill by adding an amendment that would force the Senate to vote on whether the president has the right to wage war without congressional consent in cases where there is no imminent threat to the nation.
Paul is shining a spotlight on then-candidate Obama's 2007 statement to the Boston Globe, in which he said, "The President does not have power under the Constitution to unilaterally authorize a military attack in a situation that does not involve stopping an actual or imminent threat to the nation."
Sooner rather than later, however, the Senate will have to find a way to express its will on the Libya war. Just whose resolution will come up for a vote, though, is still unclear.

What will Petraeus do?



Army Gen. David Petraeus, commander of U.S. forces in Afghanistan, is expected to leave that post by the fall and has been mentioned as a contender for the CIA directorship if current CIA Director Leon Panetta succeeds Robert Gates as defense secretary. UPI/Roger L. Wollenberg 


Published: April 5, 2011 at 10:40 AM

WASHINGTON, April 5 (UPI) -- A potential musical chairs for top jobs in U.S. defense and national security is taking shape, several government officials said.
Army Gen. David Petraeus, commander of U.S. forces in Afghanistan, is expected to leave that post by the fall and has been mentioned as a contender for the CIA directorship, National Public Radio reported. Current Director Leon Panetta is considered the top prospect to replace Defense Secretary Robert Gates, who said he will step aside this year, the officials said.
The White House and Pentagon officials offered no comment, NPR said.
Petraeus worked with the CIA as commander in Iraq and Afghanistan.
There had been speculation Petraeus would take the top NATO military job in Brussels after the current commander, U.S. Adm. James Stavridis, completes his tour. Stavridis is expected to become the next chief of naval operations, government officials said.
Petraeus is not being considered for chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the top military job in the Pentagon, when Adm. Michael Mullen leaves later this year, officials told NPR.

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Senators Thune and Graham Introduce Bill to Repeal CLASS Act




New entitlement program threatens to add tens of billions to national debt
 
April 4th, 2011 - WASHINGTON, D.C. - U.S. Senators John Thune (R-S.D.), Chairman of the Republican Policy Committee, and Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) today introduced the Repeal the CLASS Entitlement Act, which would fully repeal the Community Living Assistance Services and Supports (CLASS) Act, a new long-term care entitlement program included in Obamacare. The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office has said the $86 billion CLASS Act could end up adding tens of billions of dollars to the long-term budget. 

"The CLASS Act threatens to put taxpayers on the hook for a massive new entitlement program," said Thune. "Our country's existing entitlements are well past the point of sustainability, and we cannot add yet another program to this existing burden. I look forward to working with my colleagues to move this bill through Congress and fully repeal the onerous CLASS Act without delay." 

"The CLASS Act is a Ponzi scheme that would make Bernie Madoff blush," said Graham. "It's billed as an insurance program for long-term care, but really it's just a huge and very costly government accounting trick. Remember Enron accounting? Well, I believe even Enron executives would be embarrassed by the accounting gimmicks created by the CLASS Act." 

Experts predict the CLASS Act will attract enrollees who require high medical payouts, which will increase premiums for others and discourage young and healthy works from entering the risk pool. 

Democrats have stated similar concerns over the CLASS Act's sustainability. The president's own Health and Human Services (HHS) Secretary Kathleen Sebelius has stated that the CLASS Act is "totally unsustainable," and Senate Budget Committee Chairman Kent Conrad (D-N.D.) has called the program "a Ponzi scheme of the first order, the kind of thing Bernie Madoff would be proud of." 

President Obama's Assistant Secretary for Aging, Kathy Greenlee, recently admitted that premiums collected in the CLASS Act were double counted as funding the program and as savings achieved in the health care law. 

In the last session of Congress, Thune introduced an amendment to strip the CLASS Act from the health spending bill, and the effort received a majority of the Senate's support (51-47), but fell short of the necessary 60 vote threshold. Twelve Democrats voted to strip the program from the bill due to questions for long-term sustainability. 

Budget 2012 Key Facts Summary

Budget 2012 Key Facts Summary

Budget Heritage Analysis 2012

Budget Heritage Analysis 2012

Obama's 2012 Fiscal Year Federal Budget Proposal

Obama's 2012 Fiscal Year Federal Budget Proposal

The Path to Prosperity

Budget Proposal Path To Prosperity 2012

President Obama on Budget Negotiations: "We Have Now Matched the Number the Speaker Originally Sought"



Speaking in the White House Briefing Room today after a meeting with Congressional Leaders of both parties, the President laid out his guiding principles for the negotiations on last year's budget and looking ahead:
From the outset, my goal has been to significantly cut our domestic spending but, at the same time, make sure we’re making key investments in things like education, infrastructure, innovation -- the things that are going to help us win the future.
He was blunt in saying that the American people expect Congress to get a deal done to avoid a government shut-down and that the consequences for our economy would be unacceptable.   He was also clear that he and Democrats in Congress “have more than met the Republicans halfway at this point” by agreeing to same dollar figure in cuts that Republican Leadership originally proposed:
And I just want to set the context for this now.  Again, I’m going to repeat.  Speaker Boehner, Chairman Rogers, the Republican appropriations chairman -- their original budget proposed $73 billion in cuts.  We have now agreed to $73 billion worth of cuts.  What they are now saying is, well, we’re not sure that every single one of the cuts that you’ve made are ones that we agree to; we’d rather have these cuts rather than that cut.  That’s not the basis for shutting down the government.  We should be able to come up with a compromise in which nobody gets 100 percent of what they want, but the American people get the peace of mind in knowing that folks here in Washington are actually thinking about them -- because they’re going through a whole lot of struggles right now.
Going forward, the President said unequivocally that his White House would be willing put in as much time as necessary to avoid a shutdown, and that he expected Congressional leaders to do the same:
The only question is whether politics or ideology are going to get in the way of preventing a government shutdown.  Now, what does this potentially mean for the American people?  At a time when the economy is just beginning to grow, where we’re just starting to see a pickup in employment, the last thing we need is a disruption that’s caused by a government shutdown.  Not to mention all the people who depend on government services, whether you’re a veteran or you’re somebody who’s trying to get a passport or you’re planning to visit one of the national monuments or you’re a business leader who’s trying to get a small business loan.  You don’t want delays, you don’t want disruptions just because of usual politics in Washington.
So what I said to the Speaker today, and what I said to Leader Reid, and what I’ve said to the two appropriations chairs, is that myself, Joe Biden, my team, we are prepared to meet for as long as possible to get this resolved.