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Thursday, June 24, 2010

We're Still at War:

 Photo of the Day for June 22, 2010

Mon Jun. 21, 2010 11:59 PM PDT
 
US Army soldiers participate in a 2.35-mile run to celebrate the U.S. Army's 235th birthday on Forward Operating Base Farah, Afghanistan, on June 14, 2010. The Soldiers are assigned to the 82nd Airborne Division's Headquarters Troop, 4th Squadron, 73rd Cavalry Regiment, 4th Brigade Combat Team. Photo via the US Army by Senior Airman Rylan Albright.

We're Still at War:

 Photo of the Day for June 21, 2010

Sun Jun. 20, 2010 11:43 PM PDT
 
US soldiers walk near a historic castle with members of the Kuchi tribe residing in the Bawka district in Farah province, Afghanistan, on June 12, 2010. Photo via the US Air Force by Senior Airman Rylan Albright.

Barton tweets out 'Joe Barton was right'

By Michael O'Brien - 06/23/10 11:35 AM ET
Rep. Joe Barton (R-Texas) promoted an article on Wednesday on his official Twitter account by a writer who backed his criticism of the government's handling of BP.

Barton's office posted a letter to the editor from the conservative American Spectator magazine suggesting "Joe Barton Was Right" in his criticism of the government's decision to force BP to set up a $20 billion fund to pay out damages to victims of the Gulf of Mexico oil spill.

Barton tweeted Wednesday:
Joe Barton Was Right http://amplify.com/u/75gf
The tweet would seem to suggest that Barton's office is promoting an article supporting his controversial remark.
Barton's account deleted the tweet shortly afterward.


Barton's communications director, Sean Brown, acknowledged posting the tweet on Wednesday. He said Barton was unaware of the tweet.

"Without thinking about it much, I added a headline from one of the daily news clips to a website that is, in turn, linked to the congressman’s Twitter account," he said. "I won’t be doing that again."
The Texas Republican was spared by fellow GOP lawmakers from having to step down from his position as ranking member of the House Energy and Commerce Committee earlier this morning. Some Republicans had called for Barton's ouster from that position after his apology to BP CEO Tony Hayward during a hearing last week that gave Democrats an opening to attack the GOP over its posture toward the oil spill.

Democrats expressed glee this morning over the GOP's decision to allow Barton to keep his spot.

"Excellent! Expect More of this from us," Democratic National Committee Communications Director Brad Woodhouse wrote in an e-mail, referring to the ads the DNC has put out this week hammering away at Barton and the GOP.

Barton's office also sent out a series of articles on him keeping that spot, and attacking Democrats on taxes and budgetary issues.


MOTHER JONES

Did Barton Just Unapologize?

| Wed Jun. 23, 2010 9:29 AM PDT

Which is more ridiculous: Republicans pardoning Joe Barton's apology to BP last week and letting him keep his prized seat as Ranking Member of the Energy and Commerce Committee, or Barton taking to Twitter this morning to validate himself in the third person?
Barton's feed linked to this piece, titled "Joe Barton Was Right," which Barton posted to his page on the social networking site Amplify. That post reprints a portion of an American Spectator piece on the same subject.
The real question though, is what this says about Barton's apology for the apology last week. Which one did he actually mean to offer?
UPDATE: Now it looks like Barton deleted the Tweet. Good thing David Weigel got a screen shot. Does this mean he's apologizing for un-apologizing?

Afghanistan's 15 Minutes of Fame?

| Wed Jun. 23, 2010 8:00 AM PDT
Whether or not Obama decides to sack General McChrystal today, the president is unlikely to use the opportunity to change the overall course of his Afghanistan strategy. None of the sniping and lockerroom insults captured in the Rolling Stone piece questioned the tactics or resources that Obama has dedicated to the war. And the counterinsurgency approach that Obama has embraced in the country has basically been what McChrystal has wanted all along. And the administration is unlikely to reconsider its basic plan—an increase of 30,000 new troops until July 2011, when Afghan security forces are supposed to start taking over.
But maybe now really is the time to be asking the tough questions about how Obama’s war is going—and what both civilian and military commanders could be doing better. It certainly hasn’t been smooth sailing over the last few months, as Spencer Ackerman explains:
The past two months in Afghanistan have been brutal. Since returning from a Washington summit with Obama, President Hamid Karzai acrimoniously parted ways with two of his top security officials, men trusted by the U.S. who believe Karzai’s attempts at outreach to the Taliban to bring the war to a close represent capitulation. A United Nations report released this weekend documented a rise in violence in southern Afghanistan ahead of a crucial attempt at pushing the Taliban out of Kandahar, the south’s most populous city.
McChrystal had to slow down his push to provide what he calls a “rising tide” of security for Kandahar in order to secure buy-in from residents, as Karzai pledged his support for the operation at a mostly supportive local shura only last Sunday.What remains unclear from any Kandahar planning is the effect even a successful operation will have on the overall strength of al-Qaeda’s allies in Afghanistan — and al-Qaeda itself, across the border in Pakistan.
Thomas Friedman also has a blistering column today, accusing Obama of failing to answer basic questions about the surge:
If our strategy is to use U.S. forces to clear the Taliban and help the Afghans put in place a decent government so they can hold what is cleared, how can that be done when President Hamid Karzai, our principal ally, openly stole the election and we looked the other way? Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and others in the administration told us not to worry: Karzai would have won anyway; he’s the best we’ve got; she knew how to deal with him and he would come around. Well, I hope that happens. But my gut tells me that when you don’t call things by their real name, you get in trouble. Karzai stole the election, and we said: No problem, we’re going to build good governance on the back of the Kabul mafia.
The McChrystal flap has already ignited more news coverage and punditry about the US strategy in Afghanistan than we’ve seen in many, many months. (“This morning everyone in Washington everyone is a war correspondent,” tweeted Slate’s John Dickerson as the Rolling Stone article was first making the rounds.) I suspect that the attention will be fleeting, given the increasing brevity of the news cycle (remember Elena Kagan?) and lawmakers' own interest in keeping the focus on the economy and domestic issues in a tough election year. But the war effort could certainly benefit from the heightened scrutiny and demand for accountability that we've seen in the last 24 hours. Wishful thinking, perhaps?
Update: All the major news networks are reporting that McChrystal has been relieved of his command and will be replaced by General David Petraeus, who is currently heading up US Central Command.

Winners and Losers: South Carolina, North Carolina Utah primaries/runoffs

The primaries and runoff Tuesday night provided few major surprises -- state Rep. Nikki Haley cruised to the Republican gubernatorial nomination, South Carolina Rep. Bob Inglis (R) lost and North Carolina Secretary of State Elaine Marshall emerged as the Democratic Senate nominee -- but voters still produced their fair share of winners and losers.
As always at the Fix, we like to go beyond the obvious to bring you, dear reader, the inside dope -- the things that the chattering class are talking about in the wake of yesterday's primaries and runoffs.
Without further ado, our winners and losers from the night that was are below. Have some of your own? The comments section awaits.
WINNERS
Club for Growth: Has any outside group had a better election cycle than the Club? On Tuesday, South Carolina state Reps. Tim Scott (in the 1st district) and Jeff Duncan (in the 3rd) -- both of whom the Club bundled tens of thousands for -- won contested Republicans runoffs. Those victories prove, yet again, that the Club's support -- in the form of bundled donations and spending on ads and direct mail -- matters in a real way in contested Republican primaries. "Welcome to Generation Club," said Chris Chocola, the group's president, in a release this morning touting its successes.

Mitt Romney: The former Massachusetts governor smartly waded into the South Carolina governor's race on Haley's behalf several months ago and used his state political action committee to funnel $42,000 to her campaign. Romney's endorsement made logical sense -- Haley had backed him during his 2008 presidential primary race in South Carolina -- and gave him a foothold in a state he needs to win in 2012 in order to be the nominee. Romney didn't get a totally clean 2012 win as former Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin also endorsed Haley during the primary. But, the Haley endorsement is another example of the political savvy of Romney and his team as 2012 approaches.

Michael Steele: The victories of Haley, who is Indian American, and Scott, who is black, represent major building blocks in Republicans' efforts to add diversity to the party and, in so doing, expand the possible voter pool heading into 2012. While there is real debate within the GOP about how much credit Steele, the first African American chairman of the Republican National Committee, deserves for the GOP's newfound diversity -- lots of insiders credit former RNC Chairman Ken Mehlman for his aggressive outreach to minority candidates and communities -- it's likely that he will get the lion's share of kudos for the elevation of new faces like Haley and Scott.

Thomas Mills: Marshall's lead consultant in North Carolina, Mills insisted that Washington -- and the Fix! -- was fundamentally misreading the race and that his candidate was going to win the primary and runoff easily. He was right. But, can he make Marshall into a viable general election candidate against Sen. Richard Burr (R)?.

Fritz Hollings: The former South Carolina Democratic Senator ran against Inglis in a very nasty 1998 Senate race in which he referred to the Republican as, among other things, a "goddamn skunk" and a "rascal". Inglis' crushing loss for re-nomination had to bring a smile to Hollings' face.

LOSERS
Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee: Sensing opportunity against Sen. Richard Burr (R), the DSCC recruited former state Sen. Cal Cunningham into the race and channeled nearly $200,000 in coordinated cash to him during the primary. That Cunningham lost as badly as he did -- 60 percent to 40 percent -- suggests that Marshall was a tougher candidate to beat than national Democrats assumed. Cunningham also was not nearly the candidate(or fundraiser) that many at the national level expected him to be. The problem for Democrats now? They now have to sell a candidate in Marshall that political insiders know they didn't believe was their best choice this fall against Burr. Can it be done? Absolutely. Voters don't pay much attention to the sort of palace intrigue that captivates insiders.

TARP: Voting for the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) in 2008 seemed like a no-brainer for most Republicans. But, it has rapidly become the equivalent of the use of force resolution against Iraq on the Democratic side -- a vote regarded as a litmus test by the party base. Two more TARP backers -- Inglis and Rep. Gresham Barrett -- fell last night in South Carolina as their opponents hung that TARP vote around their necks. Other TARP-supporters facing Republican primary fights in the coming months: Arizona Sen. John McCain and Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski. Both primaries are Aug. 24.

Tim D'Annunzio: Rarely have we seen such a public implosion by a candidate as we witness in North Carolina's 8th district race by D'Annunzio. He spent more than $1 million of his money on the race and finished first in a crowded May 4 primary for the right to take on freshman Rep. Larry Kissell (D). Then it all went wrong. D'Annunzio got into a public spat with a talk radio host, a clash that ended with the candidate telling the man "there is a special place in hell for people like you." Less than a week before the runoff, D'Annunzio told the Charlotte Observer that it would take a "miracle" for him to win the race. Um, wow.

Political junkies: With the conclusion of the primaries and runoffs last night, the long dark tea time of our collective souls has begun. Between now and Aug. 3, only two states -- Georgia and Oklahoma -- hold primary contests. It's going to be a long few weeks but if we all stick together we can make it through. This too shall pass.

By Chris Cillizza  |  June 23, 2010; 11:00 AM ET

Nikki Haley's star rises



1.Nikki Haley's star rises1. South Carolina state Rep. Nikki Haley's easy victory in the state's gubernatorial runoff Tuesday is sure to establish her as the newest rising star in the GOP ranks and a coveted 2012 endorser.

Not only does Haley look different than the stereotypical Republican -- she is an Indian-American woman -- but she is also the favorite to be the next governor of a state that will play a very large role in selecting the 2012 presidential nominee.

Former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney, a near-certain candidate for that office, was quick to praise Haley, who he had endorsed earlier this year and who has endorsed his 2008 presidential campaign as well. "Against the longest of odds, Nikki Haley took on the political establishment and won," said Romney.

(Romney also announced endorsements of Sen. Jim DeMint as well as state Sen. Mick Mulvaney who is running against Rep. John Spratt in the 5th district and state Rep. Tim Scott who is seeking the open 1st district.)

Minnesota Gov. Tim Pawlenty, another likely 2012 candidate, told reporters Tuesday that he planned to donate to Haley's campaign from his Freedom First political action committee and has plans to be in South Carolina on June 29 and 30.

And, Haley, for her part, gave credit to former Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin who not only endorsed her candidacy but came to the Haley's defense when allegations of martial infidelity emerged. "She gave us that boost we needed when we needed it," Haley said of Palin at her victory speech last night. ( Palin tweeted her congratulations to Haley.)

As for her own future on the national stage -- vice presidential pick, perhaps? -- Haley consultant Jon Lerner downplayed such talk. "Nikki Haley is a remarkable candidate and a remarkable person," he said. "She knows how to stay focused, and her focus will be on winning her general election and improving the lives of South Carolinians.

"Still, it's easy to see Haley -- whether she likes it or not -- winding up on some vice presidential long lists and maybe even a few short lists.
2. North Carolina Secretary of State Elaine Marshall's crushing defeat of former state Sen. Cal Cunningham in the Democratic primary race for Senate showed -- yet again -- that this is not a cycle to run as the establishment candidate.

Cunningham was recruited into the race by national Democrats who did not believe that Marshall represented the party's best chance against freshman Sen. Richard Burr (R) in the fall. The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee funneled nearly $200,000 in coordinated funds to Cunningham but it proved to be for naught as Marshall's superior name identification and support from black leaders -- including third-place primary finisher Ken Lewis -- gave her a wide winning margin.

In the immediate aftermath of Cunningham's loss, the DSCC tried to circle the rhetorical wagons with Chairman Bob Menendez (N.J.) releasing a statement touting Marshall as a "proven reformer" and the committee's press shop sending out a PPP poll that showed Marshall trailing Burr by single digits.

Republicans are not likely to let voters forget that Democrats preferred someone other than Marshall as their nominee, however. While that won't likely make much difference to voters in the long run, it is certain to be a part of almost every story about the race in the next few days -- a fact that could slow any momentum Marshall might hope to enjoy from her win.

It's not yet clear whether the DSCC and White House will continue to make the argument that Marshall can beat Burr once the glow of the runoff disappears. Marshall is not a terribly strong fundraiser -- she has raised $846,000 for the race -- and would almost certainly need financial help from national Democrats to stay competitive with Burr in the fall.

Simple math may keep national Democrats interested. Aside from Louisiana and, maybe, Iowa, North Carolina represents one of the only states where a case can be made that a Republican incumbent could fall in the fall.
3. South Carolina Rep. Bob Inglis turned in a historically bad performance in Tuesday's primary runoff, becoming the third Member of Congress to lose his bid for re-nomination this cycle.

Inglis lost to Spartanburg County prosecutor Trey Gowdy 71 percent to 29 percent. That was the one of the worst showings in several decades for an incumbent in a primary, according to political analyst and University of Virginia professor Larry Sabato. Sabato noted that one candidate in California took 21 percent in 1972.

Inglis' vote total was on-par with Indiana Republican Rep. Dan Burton who took 30 percent but still managed to win a five-way primary in May. Former Rep. Wayne Gilchrest (R-Md.) took 33 percent of the vote in his 2008 loss but that was in a five-candidate field. Another primary loser from last cycle, Rep. Al Wynn (D-Md.), took 37 percent but that was in a six-candidate field. Inglis, of course, faced only one opponent.

And, Inglis barely improved his percentage in the runoff over his showing in the June 8 primary when he took 28 percent. That's tough to do, especially when roughly one-third of the vote was up for grabs after the primary and the third and fourth place finishers both hailed from Inglis' home base of Greenville.

Why did Inglis lose so badly?

His apostasy on major issues including the surge in Iraq (he opposed it) and, more recently and more importantly, his support for the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) in late 2008, didn't sit well with conservative primary voters.
4. Seeking to blunt the impact of a recent independent poll that showed her trailing Weld County prosecutor Ken Buck badly, former Colorado Lt. Gov. Jane Norton's Senate campaign released its own poll Monday showing her ahead in the GOP primary by six points.

Norton's 39 percent to 33 percent margin in the  Public Opinion Strategies poll stands in stark contrast to the 53 percent to 37 percent edge Buck held in a Denver Post survey released this weekend.

Norton's campaign acknowledged, however, that it is banking on high turnout to help push her over the top against Buck in the Aug. 10 primary -- an odd admission given that primary turnout tends to be quite low. "This poll shows very clearly that the good news for Jane Norton is bad news for Ken Buck -- the more Republicans who vote, the bigger the lead Jane claims," Norton campaign manager Josh Penry said.

The Norton poll shows the more reliable primary voters -- those who have voted in previous primaries -- favored Buck 41 percent to 37 percent. Voters with no history of voting in primaries favor Norton 40 percent to 23 percent.

Buck appears to be the latest anti-establishment candidate -- following on the heels of Rand Paul and Sharron Angle -- in position to pull off an Senate primary upset that would have been unthinkable in many other election cycles.

Democrats have a primary of their own on Aug. 10 although the Denver Post poll showed Sen. Michael Bennet with a clear edge over former state House Speaker Andrew Romanoff.
5. Former World Wrestling Entertainment CEO Linda McMahon (R) is facing a lawsuit from the widow of a wrestler who died in a 1999 incident although it remains unclear whether the development will be a game-changer in her open seat Senate race against Connecticut Attorney General Richard Blumenthal.

Martha Hart, the widow of the late wrestler Owen Hart, is suing WWE and McMahon for using her husband's image after his death. Attorneys for McMahon contend that Martha Hart "does not have some exclusive right to the story of her husband.

"The lawsuit comes roughly a month after former Rep. Rob Simmons suspended but didn't end his campaign for the GOP nod. (Simmons' tactic appeared to be aimed at preserving a return to the ballot if McMahon imploded.). Businessman Peter Schiff (R), a huge longshot for the nomination, qualified for the primary ballot yesterday.

It also creates an opening for Blumenthal to steer the conversation in the race away from the controversy surrounding his characterization of his military record. (Although it's worth noting that Blumenthal, who led McMahon by 20 points in a Quinnipiac poll earlier this month, isn't exactly in dire need of help.)

Connecticut Democrats appear to be taking a wait-and-see approach to the lawsuit; both Blumenthal's campaign and the Connecticut Democratic Party have remained quiet on the issue thus far.With 

Aaron Blake and Felicia SonmezBy Chris Cillizza  |  June 23, 2010; 6:00 AM ET

Sports

BP Is Pursuing Alaska Drilling Some Call Risky

How in the world can we let this company who has devastated the Gulf Coast and the pristine beaches can we allow them keep going and drilling willy nilly and now three miles off the coast of Alaska, BP is moving ahead with a controversial and potentially record-setting project to drill two miles under the sea and then six to eight miles horizontally to reach what is believed to be a 100-million-barrel reservoir of oil under federal waters. I believe it is now time for President Obama to stick his nose where  it belongs and tell them NO...NO....NO not this time and not ever again.......


Damon Winter/The New York Times
A causeway leads to BP’s oil and gas facility at Endicott, east of Prudhoe Bay. The facility is on a gravel island in the Beaufort Sea.

The future of BP’s offshore oil operations in the Gulf of Mexico has been thrown into doubt by the recent drilling disaster and court wrangling over a moratorium.
But about three miles off the coast of Alaska, BP is moving ahead with a controversial and potentially record-setting project to drill two miles under the sea and then six to eight miles horizontally to reach what is believed to be a 100-million-barrel reservoir of oil under federal waters.
All other new projects in the Arctic have been halted by the Obama administration’s moratorium on offshore drilling, including more traditional projects like Shell Oil’s plans to drill three wells in the Chukchi Sea and two in the Beaufort.
But BP’s project, called Liberty, has been exempted as regulators have granted it status as an “onshore” project even though it is about three miles off the coast in the Beaufort Sea. The reason: it sits on an artificial island — a 31-acre pile of gravel in about 22 feet of water — built by BP.
The project has already received its state and federal environmental permits, but BP has yet to file its final application to federal regulators to begin drilling, which it expects to start in the fall.
Some scientists and environmentalists say that other factors have helped keep the project moving forward.
Rather than conducting their own independent analysis, federal regulators, in a break from usual practice, allowed BP in 2007 to write its own environmental review for the project as well as its own consultation documents relating to the Endangered Species Act, according to two scientists from the Alaska office of the federal Mineral Management Service that oversees drilling.
The environmental assessment was taken away from the agency’s unit that typically handles such reviews, and put in the hands of a different division that was more pro-drilling, said the scientists, who discussed the process because they remained opposed to how it was handled.
“The whole process for approving Liberty was bizarre,” one of the federal scientists said.
The scientists and other critics say they are worried about a replay of the disaster in the Gulf of Mexico because the Liberty project involves a method of drilling called extended reach that experts say is more prone to the types of gas kicks that triggered the explosion on the Deepwater Horizon.
“It makes no sense,” said Rebecca Noblin, the Alaska director for the Center for Biological Diversity, an environmental watchdog group. “BP pushes the envelope in the gulf and ends up causing the moratorium. And now in the Arctic they are forging ahead again with untested technology, and as a result they’re the only ones left being allowed to drill there.”
BP has defended the project in its proposal, saying it is safe and environmentally friendly. It declined to respond to requests for further comment.
Extended-reach drilling has advantages. Drilling at an angle might be less threatening to sensitive habitats. But engineers say that this type of drilling is riskier and more complicated than traditional drilling because it is relatively new and gas kicks are more frequent and tougher to detect.
And because of the distance and angles involved, drilling requires far more powerful machinery, putting extra pressure on pipes and well casings.
Several companies have built artificial islands to drill offshore in the Arctic and elsewhere, in part because surging ice floes can destroy conventional floating or metal-legged offshore drilling platforms.
Critics say that such islands are so tiny that a large oil spill will quickly flow into the surrounding waters.
BP officials say that by accessing the Liberty oil field from far away, the project reduces its environmental impact in the delicate North Shore area.
The Liberty field lies about five miles from land under the shallow waters of the Beaufort Sea in an area populated during the winter by seals and polar bears and covered by thick floating ice.
During the summer, bowhead whales migrate through the region.
“The overall Liberty Project has been planned and designed to minimize adverse effects to biological resources,” BP wrote in 2007 in the development proposal to federal regulators. “Impacts to wetlands have been significantly reduced including shoreline and tundra habitat for birds and caribou.”
The project will also involve nearly 400 workers in a region where jobs are scarce, according to BP.
But concerns exist about the project’s oversight and critics say the project offers another example of dangerous coziness between industry and regulators.
For example, the federal scientists say that BP should never have been allowed to do environmental reviews that are the responsibility of the regulators. And yet, the language of the “environmental consequences” sections of the final 2007 federal assessment and BP’s own assessment submitted earlier the same year are virtually identical.
No such overlap existed in the documents for other major projects approved by the same office around the same time, a review of the documents shows.
Both assessments concluded that the effects from a large spill potentially could have a major impact on wildlife, but discounted the threat because they judged the likelihood of spill to be very remote.
They also asserted that BP’s spill response plan would be able to handle a worst case — which BP estimated as a spill of 20,000 barrels per day.
Officials from the minerals agency declined to answer questions about the handling of the BP’s environmental assessment, but they added, “In light of the BP oil spill in the gulf and new safety requirements, we will be reviewing the adequacy of the current version of the Liberty project’s spill plan.”
In promotional materials, BP acknowledges that the Liberty project will push boundaries of drilling technology.
To reduce weight on the rig, BP has developed a new steel alloy for the drill pipe.
So much force is needed to power a drill over such long distances that BP had to invest more than $200 million to have a company build what it describes as the largest land rig in the world.
The drill’s top drive is rated at 105,000 foot-pounds of torque, while North Slope rigs are typically rated at 40,000 foot-pounds.
“It will take all of this technology that we’ve developed and exploited in Prudhoe Bay and extend it to a new realm,” Gary Christman, BP’s director of Alaska drilling and wells, told Petroleum News in 2007.
But engineers say that realm includes greater risk.
John Choe, an expert in extended-reach drilling and director of the department of energy resources at Seoul National University, said that it was less safe than conventional types of drilling because gas kicks that can turn into blowouts are tougher to detect as they climb more slowly toward the rig.
“So, you may not detect it until it becomes serious,” he said. “In that case, the kick or drilling related problems become too big to be managed easily.”
A 2004 study commissioned by the Minerals Management Service came to a similar conclusion.
“A gas kick represents probably the most dangerous situation that can occur when drilling a well since it can easily develop to a blowout if it is not controlled promptly,” it said. Extended-reach drilling wells “are more prone to kicks and lost-circulation problems than more conventional and vertical wells, but have some advantages when the well takes a kick because gas migration rates are lower.”
Despite these concerns, the Liberty’s 614-page environmental assessment says nothing about how the project would handle the unique risks posed by this type of drilling.
Mike Mims, a former owner of a company that specialized in extended-reach drilling, said he believed that the worries about this type of drilling were overblown. “The kicks can occur but they move slower and the bubbles don’t expand as fast,” he said.
“It all comes down to personnel,” he added, “If your people understand the risks and handle the work carefully, this drilling is entirely safe.”
BP discovered the Liberty oil field in 1997, began construction of a rig there in 2008, and was nearing final preparations this April when the Deepwater Horizon rig exploded in the Gulf of Mexico.
Two weeks after the Obama administration declared a moratorium on offshore drilling on May 27, BP announced that the Liberty project would continue, with drilling scheduled to start in the fall, generating its first oil production by 2011. By 2013, BP estimates, Liberty will yield 40,000 barrels of oil per day.
If approved, the Liberty will be the longest horizontal well of its kind in the world. BP’s production plan for the Liberty notes that drilling studies only support horizontal wells up to 8.33 miles. Any horizontal wells longer than that, the plan says, “have not been studied.”
State regulators have faulted BP for not being prepared to handle a spill at a similar, though less ambitious project, known as the Northstar field. That project involves vertical drilling and sits on an artificial island six miles northwest of Prudhoe Bay in the Beaufort Sea.
The Liberty project will tie into the Endicott pipeline when complete. On April 20, the federal Pipeline and Hazardous Materials Safety Administration warned BP that it was in “probable violation” of federal standards because of corrosion found on its Endicott oil pipeline and a lack of records indicating corrosion protection and monitoring efforts.
BP has faced a number of challenges at its Alaska facilities. The company sustained two corrosion-caused leaks in its rigs in Prudhoe Bay in 2006, including a leak of over 200,000 gallons that cost the company around $20 million in fines and restitution. This was the largest spill to have occurred on Alaska’s North Slope.

Robbie Brown contributed reporting.

Wall Street Reform's Biggest Winners and Losers


Who's up and who's down after Congress' final marathon dealmaking session.

Thu Jun. 24, 2010 3:01 PM PDT
At 5:39 a.m. on Friday, after a 20-hour negotiating marathon, top House and Senate lawmakers put the final touches on Congress' 2,000-plus-page bill responding to one of the worst financial meltdowns in US history. The bill, more than a year in the making, would create a new Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, seek to end taxpayer bailouts, and illuminate the opaque and risk-laden $600 trillion derivatives market. The legislation was the target of fierce lobbying by groups on all sides of the debate, and some clear winners and losers emerged as the House and Senate merged their bills into one. Here are some of the biggest in each category:
WINNERS
Too-Big-to-Fail Banks: They were at the heart of the financial crisis, and their fate was likewise at the center of the grueling financial reform debate. In the end, however, it looks like systemically risky banks and non-banking institutions will escape any major crackdowns. Sure, JPMorgan Chase, Goldman Sachs, Bank of America, and their ilk will see some dips in profitability due to new derivatives reforms and a ban on proprietary trading (when banks trade for their own profit). But as Simon Johnson, former chief economist of the International Monetary Fund, told Mother Jones in an email, "the legislation will not reign in [too-big-to-fail] banks and they will be at the heart of what happens next."
One proposal that would’ve broken up the biggest banks and capped their leverage (the debt they amass to amplify their financial bets), the Brown-Kaufman Amendment, was opposed by the Obama administration and killed in the Senate. That amendment posed a major threat to banks not only by limiting their financial size and risk-taking abilities, but also by scaling back their political clout and outsized influence over regulators due to their economy-tumbling size. Now, all that’s left in the financial reform bill addressing too-big- and too-interconnected-to-fail banks is a council of regulators to keep an eye on big banks and a plan to recoup the cost of a bank's unwinding after its collapse to ensure taxpayers aren’t on the hook for it. That's little consolation to reformers like Sen. Russ Feingold (D-Wisc.), who fear mega-banks could cause the next financial meltdown.
Auto Dealers: After months of lobbying, auto dealers and their influence peddlers on Capitol Hill succeeded in winning an exemption from oversight under a new Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. Dealers, who make almost 80 percent of all auto loans, bilk consumers out of an estimated $20 billion annually through shady practices like inflating a car's actual retail price by tacking on unnecessary products and services. Dealers had already prevailed in the House’s version of the bill, passed in December, but lost out on the Senate side, which voted to include them under the Bureau’s purview. During the conference process, dealers pushed hard and managed to win an exemption from Bureau oversight, a loophole sure to appear in the final bill.
The auto dealer lobby spent lavishly to avoid new regulation. In the last three months of 2009 and first three months of 2010, the National Automobile Dealers Association, the industry’s main lobbying group, spent nearly $1.5 million lobbying Washington lawmakers and bureaucrats on issues like the dealer exemption.
Consumer Protection Advocates: On Wednesday, bailout watchdog Elizabeth Warren gave her imprimatur, albeit hesitantly, to the new Consumer Financial Protection Bureau agreed upon by the House and Senate. The idea was largely Warren’s brainchild, and the Harvard professor said she still supports the new independent Bureau, which would be housed in the Federal Reserve, funded by an independent budget, and led by a presidentially appointed candidate. Warren had previously pushed for a standalone Consumer Financial Protection Agency, resembling the EPA, but once that idea was deemed politically toxic due to Republican opposition, Warren threw her support behind a Fed-housed bureau so long as the Fed doesn't meddle with its activities.
Warren has said she’s disappointed by the carve-outs in the Bureau’s oversight, including the exemption of car dealers under its mandate. But, as she told Huffington Post's Ryan Grim, "right now the bureau has the authority and the independence it needs to fix the broken credit market. I keep waiting for an incoming missile that means the banks have won their fight to destroy this consumer agency, but that hasn't happened so far—and I don't think it will."
Sen. Scott Brown (R-Mass.): Despite joining Democrats to vote for the Senate's reform bill in May, the junior senator’s vote is in play on the Senate's final vote on the bill, which is expected next week. But before voting with Democrats again, Brown demanded changes to the bill's "Volcker Rule" provision, which would limit banks' investments in riskier entities like hedge funds and private equity funds. Brown pushed for a loophole in the Volcker language, allowing banks to invest a small percentage of their money in these funds—a change sought by major investment firms in Brown's home state, like State Street, a Boston-based investment company.
In the end, Brown got his loophole, which was opposed by Democrats and former Fed chairman Paul Volcker himself. Now, we'll see if Brown again votes in favor of financial reform. If he does, he will, in other words, have had his cake and eaten it, too: his big bank constituents will get their loophole, and Brown will get to look like a reformer.
Derivatives Industry: For months, Arkansas Sen. Blanche Lincoln stood firm in defending her tough derivatives provisions that would've forced banks to spin-off all of their swaps trading operations. Her reforms, better known as "Section 716," were anathema to Wall Street and its lobbyists, opposed by the White House, but backed by a chorus of experts, like economists Joseph Stiglitz, Nouriel Roubini, and James K. Galbraith.
At the 11th hour, however, the derivatives industry won: to ensure the bill's passage, Lincoln's proposal was watered down so that banks need only spin off their riskiest swap trades in areas like agriculture, metals, and energy. Trades of interest-rate swaps, foreign exchange swaps, and gold and silver swaps will be allowed to stay in-house at the big banks.
Here's why that's a major win for the industry: In December 2009, the swaps trades exempted from the spin-off rule now in the bill accounted for almost $500 trillion in notional value, according to the Bank for International Settlements (pdf); for some context, the total over-the-counter market at time was valued at $614 trillion. Now, all those trades weren't executed by American banks, but it shows how diluted Lincoln's proposals became. With Congress allowing banks to make the kinds of swaps trades that account for more than 80 percent of the market, Wall Street and its lobbyists won a loophole that all but defeats the spin-off provision entirely.
LOSERS
The Credit Card Industry: The big credit card companies face billions in losses each year from a ban on interchange, or "swipe," fees, pushed by Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), in the final bill. Swipe fees comprise around 1 to 3 percent of credit or debit card purchases. That amount, paid by store operators, flows into the coffers of companies like Visa and Mastercard as well as the banks (Chase and Bank of America, for instance) that issue cards to consumers. According to The Nilson Report, swipe fees totaled $62 billion in 2009 from almost $4 trillion in US purchases.
Despite intense lobbying from the credit card industry, top House lawmakers agreed on Tuesday to incorporate a major portion of Durbin’s swipe-fees ban into the merged financial reform text. Once the bill goes into effect, credit and debit card companies are set to lose a significant source of income.
Office of Thrift Supervision: The beleaguered financial regulator, which oversees federal banks as well as institutions like mortgage lenders, will be no more under the bill. Criticized by many as the weakest of all federal regulators, the OTS is set to be merged into the Office of the Comprotroller of the Currency and its duties would be split among existing bank regulators, the Federal Reserve, and the new Consumer Financial Protection Bureau.
Main Street Investors: For years, securities regulators have pushed to end a glaring conflict of interest among a particular breed of financial advisers called broker-dealers. Broker-dealers, such as Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley, both advise investors and sell them financial products, as well as trade for their own benefit. A particularly egregious (and potentially illegal) example is the transaction for which Goldman Sachs is currently under investigation by the SEC, which allegedly entailed peddling to its investors a product that was rigged to fail and which Goldman itself was betting against. Unlike investment advisers, who by law must put their clients’ interests first, broker-dealers don’t have a "fiduciary duty." That’s right—they can screw over their clients if they want and don’t have to disclose conflicts of interest in financial deals.
The House's bill featured a provision that would’ve immediately made broker-dealers adhere to a fiduciary duty. In the merging of the House and Senate bills, however, lawmakers agreed Thursday to require a six-month study by the Securities and Exchange Commission on the need for this measure—even though a 2008 RAND Corporation report, commissioned by the SEC, concluded that customers have trouble differentiating between broker-dealers and investment advisers, and that a fiduciary duty would beneficial. "We saw this as the strongest investor protection provision in the whole package," says Bob Webster, communications director with North American Securities Administrators Association. Now, he adds, "we really have no idea what the fiduciary standard will look like."

Oil Rigs and the Fishermen Who Love Them



Obama, the decider



President Obama announces his decision to relieve Gen. Stanley McChrystal of his duties as the head of the war in Afghanistan. AFP/Getty Images
President Obama's decision to relieve Gen. Stanley McChrystal of his oversight of the Afghanistan war Wednesday was painted by his allies -- and many in the media -- as a prime example of strong and decisive leadership.
"He was resolute, " said Democratic strategist Paul Begala on CNN. "He was very serious. He was very professional about it."
Michael Crowley of Time magazine called Obama's decision to fire McChrystal and recruit Gen. David Petraeus to run the Afghanistan war the "firm action of a hands-on executive."
The rave reviews for Obama as leader stand in stark contrast to the findings of an NBC/Wall Street Journal national poll -- released Tuesday night -- that suggest the ongoing oil spill is negatively affecting Obama's image in the eyes of the American people.
According to the poll, 49 percent of respondents said Obama had strong leadership qualities -- a significant erosion from the 70 percent who said the same in a January 2009 NBC/WSJ poll.
A similar trend line was apparent when people were asked whether they agreed with the idea that Obama was "firm and decisive" (44 percent now, 63 percent in January 2009) and that he has the "ability to handle crisis" (40 percent now, 46 percent in January 2009).
The impact of the oil spill on those numbers is clear from the data. More than one in five voters (22 percent) named the oil spill as the highest priority facing the country, rivaling "job creation and economic growth" (33 percent) as the top priority.
And, on the oil spill, Obama's handling of the issue is slightly more negative -- 42 percent approve, 50 percent disapprove -- than his overall job performance number, which stands at 45 percent approve/48 percent disapprove.

For Obama, then, the crisis created by McChrystal's baffling -- at best -- comments in a Rolling Stone profile actually affords something of an opportunity to bend public perception back in his favor.
The White House moved quickly to take advantage of that opportunity -- doling out details for a series of tick-tocks written by the big media organizations (including this one) that cast Obama as simultaneously deliberate and decisive.
An example: "The president didn't want to see pettiness; that this was not about personalities or reputations. It's about our men and women in uniform and about serving the country," one senior Administration official told the New York Times.
This president and his team understand that unforeseen circumstances are forever interrupting the best-laid plans of any administration. (Remember how Obama was going to spend all of his time talking about the economy? That was, of course, pre-oil spill.)
Put another way: Any successful presidency is built on making lemonade out of lemons.
The early returns on the Obama administration's attempt to do just that when it came to McChrystal are positive. But the NBC/WSJ survey suggests that the oil spill is providing a powerful counterweight as the president seeks to reassert the image of himself as a leader that helped get him elected in 2008.

By Chris Cillizza  |  June 24, 2010; 2:07 PM ET

Don’t drill baby drill



 – rally planned Saturday at Denver park

 Posted June 24, 2010, 11:49 am MT
Want to take part in the largest anti offshore drilling rally in the world? Head to Rocky Mountain Lake in Denver Saturday for “Hands Across the Sands.”

The event is sponsored by Environment Colorado, Sierra Club, Audubon, 1Sky, Alaska Wilderness League and the Hands Across the Sand coalition. But Colorado will not be alone, organizers say. There will be Hands Across the Sands events in all 50 states, the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico, and more than 20 countries.

If you check out the Hands Across the Sands web site you’ll see gorgeous beach shores. In Colorado, Rocky Mountain Lake will have to do.

From a news release about the event:

In the wake of the worst oil spill in U.S. history, Saturday’s events will raise awareness about the dangers of offshore drilling and send a strong message to the nation’s leaders to adopt policies that will end our oil dependence, reduce pollution and create a clean energy economy.

Folks are going to begin gathering for the Colorado event around 11 a.m. and are expected to join hands at noon.

Rocky Mountain Lake is just west of 46th Avenue between Federal and Lowell boulevards. It’s a busy place – watch out for all the families picnicking, fishing and walking their dogs.

(And for some Denver political trivia, it’s close to where former Congressman Tom Tancredo grew up. He played at the park all the time when he was a kid.)